November 22, 2024

Economix Blog: How Immigration Reform Would Help the Economy

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Simon Johnson, former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, is the Ronald A. Kurtz Professor of Entrepreneurship at the M.I.T. Sloan School of Management and co-author of “White House Burning: The Founding Fathers, Our National Debt, and Why It Matters to You.”

After many months of rival assertions by interested parties, we finally have an authoritative assessment by an impartial referee of the effects of the so-called Gang of Eight senators’ proposed legislation on immigration. On Tuesday, based on work with the Joint Committee on Taxation, the Congressional Budget Office released two reports – one on the direct federal budget impact and one on the broader and longer-run economic effects, with a helpful summary blog post by the office’s director, Douglas Elmendorf).

Today’s Economist

Perspectives from expert contributors.

The assessment is positive. This precise immigration proposal would improve the budget picture (see this helpful chart) and stimulate economic growth. The immediate effects are good and the more lasting effects even better. If anything, the long-run positive effects are likely to be even larger than the C.B.O. is willing to predict, in my assessment. (I’m a member of the office’s Panel of Economic Advisers but I was not involved in any way in this work.)

The debate over immigration is emotionally charged and, judging from recent blog posts, the Heritage Foundation in particular seems primed to dispute every detail in the C.B.O. approach – and to assert that it is underestimating some costs (including what happens when illegal immigrants receive an amnesty and subsequently claim government-provided benefits, a point Heritage has emphasized in its own report).

There is good reason for the C.B.O.’s careful wording in its analysis; it operates within narrow guidelines set by Congress, and its staff is wise to stick to very well-documented points. Still, as the legislation gains potential traction, it is worth keeping in mind why there could be an even larger upside for the American economy.

In 1776, the population of the United States was around 2.5 million; it is now more than 316 million (you can check the real-time Census Bureau population clock, but of course that is only an estimate).

Think about this: What if the original inhabitants had not allowed immigration or imposed very tight restrictions – for example, insisting that immigrants already have a great deal of education? It’s hard to imagine that the United States would have risen as an economy and as a country. How many United States citizens reading this column would be here today? (I’m proud to be an immigrant and a United States citizen.)

The long-term strength of the United States economy lies in its ability to create jobs. For more than 200 years as a republic (and 400 years in total) immigrants have not crowded together on a fixed amount of existing resources – land (in the early days) or factories (from the early 1800s) or the service sector (where most modern jobs arise). Rather the availability of resources essential for labor productivity has increased sharply. Land is improved, infrastructure is built and companies develop.

Most economic analysis about immigration looks at wages and asks whether natives win or lose when more immigrants show up in particular place or with certain skills. At the low end of wage distribution, there is reason to fear adverse consequences for particular groups because of increased competition for jobs. In fact, the C.B.O. does find that income per capita would decline slightly over the next 10 years before increasing in the subsequent 10 years: “Relative to what would occur under current law, S. 744 would lower per capita G.N.P. by 0.7 percent in 2023 and raise it by 0.2 percent in 2033, according to C.B.O.’s central estimates.”

And it is reasonable to ask who will pay how much into our tax system – and who will receive what kind of benefits. This is the terrain that the C.B.O. and the Heritage Foundation are contesting. (See, too, a letter to Senator Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, from Stephen Gross, the chief actuary of the Social Security Administration. Mr. Gross said immigration reform would be a net positive; of the current 11.5 illegal immigrants, “many of these individuals already work in the country in the underground economy, not paying taxes, and will begin paying taxes” if the immigration legislation are adopted. New illegal immigration would decline but not be eliminated.)

But the longer-run picture is most obviously quite different. The process of creating businesses and investing – what economists like to call capital formation – is much more dynamic than allowed for in many economic models.

People will save and they will invest. Companies will be created. The crucial question is who will have the ideas that shape the 21st century. (See, for example, the work of Charles I. Jones of Stanford University on this point and a paper he and Paul Romer wrote for a broader audience.)

This is partly about education – and the proposed legislation would tilt new visas more toward skilled workers, particularly those in science, technology, engineering, and math (often referred to as STEM).

But it would be a mistake to limited those admitted – or those allowed legal status and eventual citizenship – to people who already have or are in the process of getting a university-level education. To be clear, under the new system there may well be more low-wage immigrants than high-wage immigrants, but the transition to a point system for allocating green cards is designed to increase the share of people with more education and more scientific education, relative to the situation today and relative to what would otherwise occur.

Many people have good ideas. The Internet has opened up the process of innovation. I don’t know anyone who can predict where the next big technologies will come from. I also don’t know who will figure out how to organize production – including the provision of services – in a more effective manner.

We are competing in a world economy based on human capital, and people’s skills and abilities are the basis for our productivity. What we need more than anything, from an economic point of view, is more people (of any age or background) who want to acquire and apply new skills.

Increasing the size of our domestic market over the last 400 years has served us well. Allowing in immigrants in a fiscally responsible manner makes a great deal of sense — and the reports from the Joint Committee on Taxation and C.B.O. are very clear that this is now what is on the table. If the children of immigrants want to get more education, we should welcome the opportunity that this presents. When you cut off the path to higher education, you are depriving people of opportunity – and you are also hurting the economy.

The deeper political irony, of course, is that if the Heritage Foundation and its allies succeed in defeating immigration legislation, there are strong indications that this will hurt the Republican Party at the polls over the next decade and beyond. Yet, even so, House Republicans seem inclined to oppose immigration reform. That would be a mistake on both economic and political grounds.

We are 316 million people in a world of more than 7 billion – on its way to 10 billion or more (read this United Nations report if you like to worry about the future).

We should reform immigration along the lines currently suggested and increase the supply of skilled labor in the world. This will both improve our economy and, at least potentially, help ensure the world stays more prosperous and more stable.

Article source: http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/06/20/how-immigration-reform-would-help-the-economy/?partner=rss&emc=rss

Today’s Economist: How Immigration Reform Would Help the Economy

DESCRIPTION

Simon Johnson, former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, is the Ronald A. Kurtz Professor of Entrepreneurship at the M.I.T. Sloan School of Management and co-author of “White House Burning: The Founding Fathers, Our National Debt, and Why It Matters to You.”

After many months of rival assertions by interested parties, we finally have an authoritative assessment by an impartial referee of the effects of the so-called Gang of Eight senators’ proposed legislation on immigration. On Tuesday, based on work with the Joint Committee on Taxation, the Congressional Budget Office released two reports – one on the direct federal budget impact and one on the broader and longer-run economic effects, with a helpful summary blog post by the office’s director, Douglas Elmendorf).

Today’s Economist

Perspectives from expert contributors.

The assessment is positive. This precise immigration proposal would improve the budget picture (see this helpful chart) and stimulate economic growth. The immediate effects are good and the more lasting effects even better. If anything, the long-run positive effects are likely to be even larger than the C.B.O. is willing to predict, in my assessment. (I’m a member of the office’s Panel of Economic Advisers but I was not involved in any way in this work.)

The debate over immigration is emotionally charged and, judging from recent blog posts, the Heritage Foundation in particular seems primed to dispute every detail in the C.B.O. approach – and to assert that it is underestimating some costs (including what happens when illegal immigrants receive an amnesty and subsequently claim government-provided benefits, a point Heritage has emphasized in its own report).

There is good reason for the C.B.O.’s careful wording in its analysis; it operates within narrow guidelines set by Congress, and its staff is wise to stick to very well-documented points. Still, as the legislation gains potential traction, it is worth keeping in mind why there could be an even larger upside for the American economy.

In 1776, the population of the United States was around 2.5 million; it is now more than 316 million (you can check the real-time Census Bureau population clock, but of course that is only an estimate).

Think about this: What if the original inhabitants had not allowed immigration or imposed very tight restrictions – for example, insisting that immigrants already have a great deal of education? It’s hard to imagine that the United States would have risen as an economy and as a country. How many United States citizens reading this column would be here today? (I’m proud to be an immigrant and a United States citizen.)

The long-term strength of the United States economy lies in its ability to create jobs. For more than 200 years as a republic (and 400 years in total) immigrants have not crowded together on a fixed amount of existing resources – land (in the early days) or factories (from the early 1800s) or the service sector (where most modern jobs arise). Rather the availability of resources essential for labor productivity has increased sharply. Land is improved, infrastructure is built and companies develop.

Most economic analysis about immigration looks at wages and asks whether natives win or lose when more immigrants show up in particular place or with certain skills. At the low end of wage distribution, there is reason to fear adverse consequences for particular groups because of increased competition for jobs. In fact, the C.B.O. does find that income per capita would decline slightly over the next 10 years before increasing in the subsequent 10 years: “Relative to what would occur under current law, S. 744 would lower per capita G.N.P. by 0.7 percent in 2023 and raise it by 0.2 percent in 2033, according to C.B.O.’s central estimates.”

And it is reasonable to ask who will pay how much into our tax system – and who will receive what kind of benefits. This is the terrain that the C.B.O. and the Heritage Foundation are contesting. (See, too, a letter to Senator Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, from Stephen Gross, the chief actuary of the Social Security Administration. Mr. Gross said immigration reform would be a net positive; of the current 11.5 illegal immigrants, “many of these individuals already work in the country in the underground economy, not paying taxes, and will begin paying taxes” if the immigration legislation are adopted. New illegal immigration would decline but not be eliminated.)

But the longer-run picture is most obviously quite different. The process of creating businesses and investing – what economists like to call capital formation – is much more dynamic than allowed for in many economic models.

People will save and they will invest. Companies will be created. The crucial question is who will have the ideas that shape the 21st century. (See, for example, the work of Charles I. Jones of Stanford University on this point and a paper he and Paul Romer wrote for a broader audience.)

This is partly about education – and the proposed legislation would tilt new visas more toward skilled workers, particularly those in science, technology, engineering, and math (often referred to as STEM).

But it would be a mistake to limited those admitted – or those allowed legal status and eventual citizenship – to people who already have or are in the process of getting a university-level education. To be clear, under the new system there may well be more low-wage immigrants than high-wage immigrants, but the transition to a point system for allocating green cards is designed to increase the share of people with more education and more scientific education, relative to the situation today and relative to what would otherwise occur.

Many people have good ideas. The Internet has opened up the process of innovation. I don’t know anyone who can predict where the next big technologies will come from. I also don’t know who will figure out how to organize production – including the provision of services – in a more effective manner.

We are competing in a world economy based on human capital, and people’s skills and abilities are the basis for our productivity. What we need more than anything, from an economic point of view, is more people (of any age or background) who want to acquire and apply new skills.

Increasing the size of our domestic market over the last 400 years has served us well. Allowing in immigrants in a fiscally responsible manner makes a great deal of sense — and the reports from the Joint Committee on Taxation and C.B.O. are very clear that this is now what is on the table. If the children of immigrants want to get more education, we should welcome the opportunity that this presents. When you cut off the path to higher education, you are depriving people of opportunity – and you are also hurting the economy.

The deeper political irony, of course, is that if the Heritage Foundation and its allies succeed in defeating immigration legislation, there are strong indications that this will hurt the Republican Party at the polls over the next decade and beyond. Yet, even so, House Republicans seem inclined to oppose immigration reform. That would be a mistake on both economic and political grounds.

We are 316 million people in a world of more than 7 billion – on its way to 10 billion or more (read this United Nations report if you like to worry about the future).

We should reform immigration along the lines currently suggested and increase the supply of skilled labor in the world. This will both improve our economy and, at least potentially, help ensure the world stays more prosperous and more stable.

Article source: http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/06/20/how-immigration-reform-would-help-the-economy/?partner=rss&emc=rss

Today’s Economist: Simon Johnson: Treasury Needs a Tough No. 2

DESCRIPTION

Simon Johnson is the Ronald A. Kurtz Professor of Entrepreneurship at the M.I.T. Sloan School of Management and co-author of “White House Burning: The Founding Fathers, Our National Debt, and Why It Matters to You.”

The Obama administration is actively seeking a new deputy secretary for the Treasury Department. Its leading candidate, Ruth Porat of Morgan Stanley, just withdrew, and a new short list is now being floated. But one name is conspicuously absent: Gary Gensler.

Today’s Economist

Perspectives from expert contributors.

Mr. Gensler is chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, the regulatory body responsible for overseeing the business of commodity trading, as well as the critically important area of derivatives. In this capacity, Mr. Gensler has worked hard to make markets more transparent and to push market participants away from activities that can be destabilizing to the macroeconomy.

Gary Gensler, a former Wall Street executive who is chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, has won few friends in the financial community with his tough regulatory posture.Simon Newman/ReutersGary Gensler, a former Wall Street executive who is chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, has won few friends in the financial community with his tough regulatory posture.

In fact, the only imaginable reason Mr. Gensler is not on the Treasury short list is that he has been so effective getting financial reform in place that he has made powerful enemies on Wall Street.

Mr. Gensler worked in the Rubin-Summers Treasury Department in the late 1990s, when extreme deregulation was in fashion. Almost alone among prominent public figures from that period, Mr. Gensler not only learned the right lessons but is now willing to stick his neck out on re-regulation. (Former President Bill Clinton has also expressed regret for not regulating derivatives, but it’s not clear what he might do about his concerns.)

If you look across the current set of officials, few are really willing to take on the industry lobby in a sustained way. Mr. Gensler stands out in this category. The most visible actions of the C.F.T.C. may have been its pursuit of the Libor scandal – the illegal fixing of benchmark interest rates by employees of Barclays and other major global financial companies. (For more background on the issues at stake, see this commentary by Mr. Gensler.)

Mr. Gensler was also a constructive voice during the Dodd-Frank financial reform legislation, and he has been in the subsequent thick of rule-writing in the process of putting the law into effect. This is not glamorous work, but it is absolutely essential if the financial system is to function in a more stable manner (for details, see this speech by Mr. Gensler). Of course, industry people complain that the rules have not been written fast enough, but that is largely because of their diligent delaying tactics.

Independent observers, such as Dennis Kelleher of Better Markets, give Mr. Gensler high marks for his efforts – and for his accomplishments. “Chairman Gensler has done an exceptional job and has been a tireless advocate for implementing the critically important financial reform law designed to protect the American people from Wall Street and another devastating financial collapse and economic crisis,” Mr. Kelleher said recently.

Perhaps this success is a result of the fact that Mr. Gensler is unusual in another way – he is a former senior partner at Goldman Sachs who thinks that Wall Street firms should not be allowed to take and mismanage risk as they have in the past.

As important as his work at the Commodity Futures Trading Commission has been, the deputy Treasury job is bigger — with a broad purview and the ability to jump into all kinds of issues. Under the Dodd-Frank act, the Treasury has become more central to financial issues, and there are a lot of Dodd-Frank reforms still to be carried out.

No one is going to intimidate Mr. Gensler with supposed street smarts or complicated algorithms. And as a nation, the United States is desperately short on financial executives who are determined to become really effective regulators.

The revolving door between Washington and Wall Street is of course an important concern. In the latest development under that heading, Mary L. Schapiro, former head of the Securities and Exchange Commission, has joined the Promontory Group, a prominent force that works on behalf of the industry. (Ms. Schapiro feels she has established sufficient safeguards against anything inappropriate; read the details and decide. You should also review the case of Lanny Breuer, formerly of the Department of Justice, and now at a prominent law firm.)

Jeff Connaughton, a leading critic of the revolving door (see his book “The Payoff: Why Wall Street Always Wins”), thinks Mr. Gensler is an exception to the usual rule that industry insiders make ineffective regulators. In Mr. Connaughton’s assessment, “It would be difficult to find someone better suited than Gensler — who now has consistently shown determination and exceptional capability — to be a more effective regulator of complex banking and derivatives issues.”

Mr. Gensler is not working in government with an eye to his future prospects in the private sector; he burned those bridges a long time ago.

In contrast, Mr. Gensler has good relationships on Capitol Hill, having previously served as an adviser to Senator Paul Sarbanes, Democrat of Maryland (and having a hand in the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, which seeks to strengthen corporate governance).

Not all Republicans like Mr. Gensler. They should get over this. As the Republican Party modernizes, it has to do more than pay lip service to transparency. Jon Huntsman put it well during his campaign for the Republican presidential nomination: the United States needs markets to function properly, and this is possible only when the rule of law is in effect for everyone, without exceptions for the big and powerful.

The Obama administration has apparently asked Mr. Gensler to stay at the C.F.T.C., and one downside of his departure would be that his most obvious potential successors are not likely to push so hard for reform, and some might even allow a rollback of gains already achieved. But given that only a limited number of experienced and proven reformers can get jobs with this administration, we should want them in places where they can have the most impact.

Brooksley Born, whose credentials as a reformer are second to none, hopes that Mr. Gensler will stay at the C.F.T.C. for another term. I agree that would be a good outcome. But with regard to financial reform issues during the second Obama administration, the position of deputy Treasury secretary looks set to be highly influential – and able to engage across the board on financial sector issues.

Mr. Gensler should get the job.

Article source: http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/04/04/treasury-needs-a-tough-no-2/?partner=rss&emc=rss

The Boss: Peter Miller of OptiNose: A Pioneer at Heart

My older brother followed in my father’s footsteps and became a radiologist at the same university. But even at an early age, I was interested in the business world. Around second grade, I collected day-old newspapers from neighbors and tried to sell them, at a discount, to others in our neighborhood. That was not really successful.

After high school, I went to Trinity College, in Hartford. I was an economics major, but my true interest was playing soccer and lacrosse; I was captain of both teams.

I met Karen, my future wife and best friend, at Trinity and started a business with a friend to sell food at the student pub on campus. First we sold pizzas, then sandwiches, which made us more money. I loved everything about our business, which we called PM Delights, down to buying dozens of fresh sandwich rolls every day.

When I graduated in 1983, I joined Procter Gamble. I worked in its paper division, selling brands like Bounty, Charmin and Pampers. The job meant going to supermarkets and convincing managers to offer and display our products.

After five years there, I enrolled in the M.B.A. program at the Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern. As I was about to graduate in 1990, I accepted a job offer from a major consulting company. But that night I began thinking about being on the road constantly when my wife was about to have our first child. And I realized that I wanted to run a business, not tell others how to run theirs.

The next morning, I called to turn down the job. Then, while scrambling to find another possibility, I met Tony Vernon, who was recruiting on campus for Johnson Johnson. I was sold when he told me that the company ran its operating units in a decentralized way. Tony, now president of Kraft Foods North America, became a lifelong friend and mentor.

I worked at J. J. for 15 years, overseeing brands like Tylenol, Pepcid AC and Duragesic, and serving as president of two operating companies. When I left in 2004, I started medical clinics in retail pharmacies with a friend, Hal Rosenbluth. We created Take Care Health Systems, and I became C.E.O. Three years later, we sold the business to Walgreens. I stayed on as C.E.O. for three more years, and we expanded the operation to more than 350 clinics nationwide.

In 2008, I was asked to join the board of OptiNose, a company started by a Norwegian doctor-and-wife team who created a nasal delivery device in which the patient’s own breath propels a drug to the upper part of the nasal cavity. I helped the founders raise $50 million in capital to develop our first products. I left Walgreens in 2010 and became C.E.O. of OptiNose that year.

We moved the headquarters to Yardley, Pa., near Philadelphia, from Oslo. I’ve been in my element because I love creating something new. I’ve been able to use my coaching and mentoring skills, and my experience, to assemble 17 wonderfully talented people who are working together to get federal approval and market this new system of delivering drugs.

The device will be tested in clinical trials starting later this year. It holds the promise to bridge the barrier between the nose and the brain, enabling new treatments for difficult-to-treat conditions, including Alzheimer’s, depression and Parkinson’s.

As told to Elizabeth Olson.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=173b4d88c70af443a9830c3743fc61dc