April 26, 2024

Media Decoder Blog: MSNBC Announces Replacement for Chris Hayes

MSNBC on Tuesday named Steve Kornacki the new host of “Up,” a weekend morning panel discussion program that is about to be vacated by its original host, Chris Hayes.

Mr. Kornacki will take over when Mr. Hayes moves to the 8 p.m. time slot on weekdays, a change that was announced by the cable news channel last week.

MSNBC did not specify a start date for Mr. Kornacki, but the channel has previously said that Mr. Hayes will start at 8 p.m. on April 1.

With the announcement on Tuesday, MSNBC is once again promoting from within. Mr. Kornacki, a senior political writer for Salon since 2010, has been a guest on the channel for years; in fact, as Salon’s editor in chief noted last year, the site actually approached him about the job after seeing him on MSNBC’s “Hardball.”

Last summer MSNBC made Mr. Kornacki, 33, a co-host of “The Cycle,” a 3 p.m. political conversation with three other young hosts, Touré, Krystal Ball and S.E. Cupp. The ratings for “The Cycle” have pleased MSNBC executives, despite the tough middle-of-the-day time slot, and Mr. Kornacki has been mentioned recently as a rising star at the channel.

MSNBC indicated on Tuesday that he would leave “The Cycle” to take on the new assignment, but did not immediately name a successor.

But the announcement resolves what viewers of “Up” have wanted to know since last week: would the in-depth talk show remain in some form, and if so, who would lead it?

“Up,” which was started 18 months ago in an expansion of MSNBC’s progressive-minded programming, is more influential than the Nielsen ratings imply. It had about 139,000 viewers ages 25 to 54 last month, but it attracts a fiercely loyal fan base that typically gets a Twitter hashtag, “#uppers,” trending online during every episode. “Up” also sets a tone for MSNBC’s weekend programming, and the president of MSNBC, Phil Griffin, often mentions Mr. Hayes when describing the future direction of MSNBC.

Mr. Griffin said in a statement on Wednesday, “I give so much credit to the ‘Up’ team who created appointment viewing on the weekends for us and some of the smartest conversations on television. Steve has a great political mind and his ability to connect with viewers made him a natural fit to continue driving that dialogue.”

Mr. Hayes wrote on Twitter on Tuesday, “Psyched to pass the ‘Up’ franchise to Steve Kornacki. #Uppers are in excellent hands.” A few minutes later Mr. Kornacki wrote, Mr. Hayes “and his team have built something pretty amazing. Excited to be stepping in.”

The channel’s chain of dominos started to fall last week when Ed Schultz, the former host of the 8 p.m. hour, announced that he was stepping aside. He will relocate to the weekends starting next month, enabling MSNBC to expand live political programming to the 5 and 6 p.m. hours on Saturday and Sunday. (Currently the channel runs documentaries at those times.)

MSNBC then named Mr. Hayes the new 8 p.m. host. Some at the channel had expected Ezra Klein, an MSNBC contributor and Washington Post columnist, to get the 8 p.m. job or the weekend morning job. The announcement about Mr. Kornacki on Tuesday suggested that the channel has something else in mind for him — perhaps a time slot in prime time on the weekends.

Article source: http://mediadecoder.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/03/19/msnbc-announces-replacement-for-chris-hayes/?partner=rss&emc=rss

India Measures Itself Against a China That Doesn’t Notice

At a recent panel discussion to commemorate the 20th anniversary of India’s dismantling parts of its socialist economy, a government minister told business leaders to keep their eye on the big prize: growing faster than China.

“That’s not impossible,” said the minister, Palaniappan Chidambaram, who oversees national security and previously was finance minister. “People are beginning to talk about outpacing China.”

Indians, in fact, seem to talk endlessly about all things China, a neighbor with whom they have long had a prickly relationship, but which is also one of the few other economies that has had 8 percent or more annual growth in recent years.

Indian newspapers are filled with articles comparing the two countries. Indian executives refer to China as a template for development. Government officials cite Beijing, variously as a threat, partner or role model.

But if keeping up with the Wangs is India’s economic motive force, the rivalry seems to be largely one-sided.

“Indians are obsessed with China, but the Chinese are paying too little attention to India,” said Minxin Pei, an economist who was born in China and who writes a monthly column for The Indian Express, a national daily newspaper. (No Indian economists are known to have a regular column in mainland Chinese publications.)

Most Chinese are unconcerned with how India is growing and changing, because they prefer to compare their country with the United States and Europe, said Mr. Pei, a professor at Claremont McKenna College near Los Angeles. He says he has tried to organize conferences about India in China but has struggled to find enough Chinese India experts.

Liu Yi, a clothing store owner in Beijing, echoed the sentiments of a dozen Chinese people interviewed in Beijing and Shanghai, in dismissing the idea that the two countries could be compared. Yes, he said India was a “world leader” in information technology but it also had many “backward, undeveloped places.”

“China’s economy is special,” Mr. Liu said. “If China’s development has a model, you could say it’s the U.S. or England.”

It might be only natural that the Chinese would look up the development ladder to the United States, now that it is the only nation in the world with a larger economy, rather than over their shoulders at India, which ranks ninth. And while China is India’s largest trading partner, the greatest portion of China’s exports go to the United States.

So for India, China represents the higher rung to strive for.

Like India, China traces its civilization back thousands of years and has a population of more than 1 billion people. And China has lessons to offer because, under Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s and early ’80s, it started the transition to a more open and competitive economy more than a decade before India. Before Deng took power, India’s economy was bigger on a per-capita basis than China’s.

Whatever the reasons, Indians compare virtually every aspect of their nation with China. Infrastructure (China is acknowledged as being many kilometers ahead). The armed forces (China is more powerful). Universities (China has invested more in its institutions). The software industry (India is far ahead). Proficiency in the English language (India has the historical advantage, but China is catching up).

Evidence of the Indo-Sino interest disparity can be seen in the two countries’ leading newspapers. The People’s Daily, the Chinese Communist Party’s house organ, had only 24 articles mentioning India on its English-language Web site in the first seven months of this year, according to the Factiva database. By contrast, The Times of India, the country’s largest circulation English-language newspaper, had 57 articles mentioning China — in July alone.

Xu Yan contributed reporting from Shanghai and Joshua Frank from Beijing.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=86edc3d52ed506bff336cbb3ee3c1498

Conference Looks for Lessons From Upheaval

To people who lived through the upheaval that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall, their experience provided lessons — as well as warnings.

Valdis Zatlers, the president of Latvia, pointed out the huge difference between Estonia, which at the beginning of the year joined the euro area, and Belarus, still a Stalinist dictatorship. “Twenty years ago they were at the same starting point,” Mr. Zatlers said during a panel discussion at the World Economic Forum on Europe and Central Asia on Wednesday. “Look at the different results.”

North Africa, as well as the economic challenges that continue to confront Eastern Europe and Central Asia, was a major topic of discussion during a one-and-a-half-day event in a former imperial palace, which was managed by the same organization that stages the annual World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

What can Egypt and Tunisia do to turn out more like Poland or the Czech Republic, rather than Kyrgyzstan, the former Soviet republic? In a measure of the misery that still prevails in Kyrgyzstan, the country’s president, Roza Otunbayeva, said Wednesday that one of her goals was to lift the country above its 164th place ranking, out of 178, on the Transparency International index of corruption.

“We want to be among civilized countries,” Ms. Otunbayeva said at the event.

There are some parallels between Eastern Europe in 1990 and North Africa today. Like Eastern Europe then, the North African countries were police states that needed to create democratic institutions from nothing.

Appearing on a panel with representatives from Libya and other Arab countries, Mr. Zatlers of Latvia warned that they could expect old elites to try to become the new elites. “In every society you have people who were more active in the previous society,” he said. “They are the first to participate. They want to keep power. We are still witnessing that 20 years later.”

The Eastern European countries were planned economies, while Egypt and Tunisia are nominally free market economies, but with a high degree of government intervention.

“The majority of business make their money by being close to government,” said Khalid Abdulla-Janahi, honorary chairman of Vision 3, an alliance of three investment banks in the United Arab Emirates.

Countries in the Middle East may have some advantages because they have more extensive trade ties than was the case in Warsaw Pact countries, as well as basic financial infrastructure like stock markets.

But North Africa faces some additional challenges. Eastern Europe bordered the wealthy countries of Western Europe and could benefit from trade and investment as well as direct aid. The prospect of joining the European Union served as a powerful incentive for political and economic modernization, a unifying goal for society.

“There was a much easier game plan — you turn to the European Union,” Peter Attard Montalto, emerging markets economist at Nomura International, said during an interview. North Africa, he said, “is a much bigger challenge.”

In the Arab world there is the destabilizing threat of Islamic extremism, as well as of meddling by countries like Iran or Saudi Arabia with no interest in promoting democracy.

East European societies tend to be aging and some are facing population decline, which can be a drag on economic growth and a burden for pension systems. The Arab world is dominated by people younger than 30. They are a potential source of entrepreneurial energy, and a huge pool of consumers.

“It is one of the youngest populations we have,” said Luis Álvarez , president of the emerging markets business of BT, the British telecommunications company, which offers services to companies in North Africa. “We see that as an opportunity for a large number of companies.”

But the young people also create political volatility. Mustapha Kamel Nabli, the governor of the Central Bank of Tunisia, warned that young people had high expectations after the country’s citizen revolution that would be difficult to fulfill.

“Young people want things to happen, but the economy is going down,” Mr. Nabli said during a panel discussion. Aid from institutions like the International Monetary Fund or European Bank for Reconstruction and Development is welcome but will not be enough, he said.

“We want private investors to come in and say they are willing to bet on our success,” he said.

Eastern Europe has demonstrated that, to some extent, a country’s fate depends on circumstances beyond its control, like geography, natural resources or size. Poland has benefited from its border with Germany and its domestic market of 38 million people. Kazakhstan has oil and natural gas and lots of land.

North African countries like Egypt and Tunisia, which do not have huge reserves of oil or gas, need to find economic niches to drive growth, Mr. Montalto of Nomura said. They could try to take advantage of business opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa, for example. Several speakers said they considered Turkey a stabilizing force.

But, like Eastern Europe two decades ago, representatives from North Africa said that they, too, were looking to Western Europe. European leaders and businesses should recognize that they have a strong interest in promoting economic development in countries trying to become democratic, they said.

“Libya is in the neighborhood,” said Tarik M. Yousef, a Libyan who is dean of the Dubai School of Government. “Libya matters.” Referring to the countries that after 1989 “built up almost from scratch,” he added, “I look to Europe for help.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=2b42594ed5132e881fdfe96b16cec4b0