May 7, 2024

Expecting the Unexpected From Jeff Bezos

It was late 1999. After years of heady excess, the Internet boom was beginning to falter. Amazon, among the most celebrated of the dot-coms, was burdened with debt and spiraling losses. Jeff Bezos, its founder and chief impresario, had to impress Wall Street that he was serious about cutting costs.

But how? Amazon had never indulged employees with Silicon Valley perks like massages or sushi chefs. Just about the only thing that workers received free was aspirin. So the aspirin went.

The removal created a lot of muttering, but the cost-cutting — including layoffs — and promises of future profit helped Amazon escape the jaws of doom. Now, 14 years later, Mr. Bezos, 49, has become so rich and successful that he can surprise the world by buying The Washington Post for the equivalent of pocket change, which in his case is $250 million.

No one, apparently including Mr. Bezos himself, seems to know what he intends to do with that fabled newspaper. This is, after all, a man who once said the quality he most wanted in a wife was the ability to spring him from a third-world prison. He can probably be counted on to think unpredictably.

The aspirin take-away and similar incidents over the course of Mr. Bezos’ career show a determination to do whatever is necessary to succeed and a fanatic attention to detail, even at the expense of appearing ridiculous. Also, he does not care about your headache.

“Jeff may be outwardly goofy, with that trademark laugh, but he’s a very tough guy,” said James Marcus, who was Amazon employee No. 55. “If he goes even halfway through with his much-vaunted reinvention of journalism, there is no way he’s not going to break some eggs.”

Mr. Bezos is the sole founder, the public face, the largest shareholder and the visionary of Amazon. “For many of us, creating Earth’s biggest bookstore would have been enough,” said Kerry Fried, employee No. 251. “Jeff’s goal was a touch grander: to conquer the world.”

He has more than his share of detractors — just ask your neighborhood bookseller, if you can find one. But it is increasingly hard to dispute that he is the natural heir of Steve Jobs as the entrepreneur with the most effect on the way people live now.

Amazon, which is as much a reflection of Mr. Bezos’ personality as a corporation worth $125 billion can be, is by far the fastest-growing major retailer, although that simple label long ago ceased to suffice. It is also a movie studio, an art gallery (a 1962 Picasso, “Jacqueline au Chapeau Noir,” can be had for $175,000) and a publisher. It is an empire that spans much of the globe and even has its own currency, Amazon Coins. What it does not have much of, and never did, are old-fashioned profits.

The company has all sorts of regulatory and competitive concerns, making for a minefield of possible conflicts of interest for the owner of The Post. Amazon has opposed states’ efforts to have e-commerce companies collect sales tax. It was the main beneficiary of the Justice Department’s successful pursuit of five publishers and Apple on antitrust grounds. It is locking horns with major companies like Walmart and I.B.M. And as it expands into same-day delivery of its products, it will come up against grocery chains and drugstores.

Through its thriving data storage division, Amazon is becoming an important contractor to the government bureaucracy that is a mainstay of The Post’s reporting. If persistent rumors are true and the company produces an Amazon phone, yet another set of antagonists will arise.

Other newspaper publishers have similar, if fewer, conflicts. The Washington Post Company owns Kaplan, the for-profit education business that came under Congressional scrutiny, and the company fought efforts to impose regulations. But the newspaper nonetheless maintained its commitment to investigative journalism. Some argue that it would to take more than a change of ownership to transform that culture.

“Newsrooms are very conservative,” said Bill Buzenberg, executive director for the Center for Public Integrity. “They have difficulty changing and certainly they have difficulty selling out their core principles.”

Perhaps. But then, few newsrooms have ever been confronted with a new owner whose zeal for disruption is matched by his obsession with tinkering until he gets it right. As Steve Yegge, a former employee, once put it, “He just makes ordinary control freaks look like stoned hippies.” A relevant fact: Mr. Bezos originally thought of naming Amazon “Relentless.”

Mr. Marcus, now the executive editor of Harper’s Magazine, said it all made sense, kind of: “Bezos is fascinated by broken business models. And whatever else you think of newspapers, the business model is broken.”

THERE is a reason that not even the most imaginative press critics ever thought that Jeff Bezos might one day buy The Washington Post: he has never seemed much of a fan of journalism or journalists.

He gives interviews only when he has something to promote, and always stays on message. He likes his privacy; there are no “at home with” magazine features with him lounging with his wife, MacKenzie, and four children at his luxurious Seattle lakeside estate. Amazon’s quarterly earnings calls with analysts and journalists are festivals of vagueness.

Quentin Hardy contributed reporting.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/18/business/expecting-the-unexpected-from-jeff-bezos.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Inside Europe: Playing the Long Game in Berlin

BRUSSELS — If there are two words that tense the jaws of European policy makers and prompt a concerned sucking of teeth, they are “treaty change.”

It is not unlike telling a nervous driver midroute that a different map is required to reach the destination: No one is sure whether the outcome will be road rage, a car crash or a smoother, if longer, journey.

So when the German finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, spoke his mind during a meeting in Dublin on April 13 and said a change to the E.U. treaty was necessary if Europe were to build a full banking union, there was more than a little angst in the corridors of Brussels.

In Mr. Schäuble’s view, a banking union — originally a three-step plan to create a single euro zone banking supervisor, a unified system for resolving problem banks and a single deposit-guarantee program — makes sense only if there are strict rules for restructuring and winding up failing banks.

Since those measures are not explicitly laid out in existing law, some changes would have to be made to the fundamental underpinning of the Union, he argued.

“If we want European institutions for that,” said Mr. Schäuble, a lawyer who measures his words carefully, “we will need a treaty change.”

As with all Schäublerian pronouncements over the past three years, the first question on the lips of policy makers was whether he was speaking just for himself, as he often does, or also for his boss, Chancellor Angela Merkel, and thus represented a new red line.

In this case, the answer remains unclear. Ms. Merkel has not expressed a definitive position on the issue, at least not in public. And senior officials in Brussels who have regular contact with Berlin say they do not know how to read the signals emanating from the chancellery.

But in a sign last week that Ms. Merkel has her doubts about where things are headed, especially as she seeks to win a third term in September elections, she ruled out the deposit-guarantee part of the banking plan “for now.”

That, in itself, was not a huge surprise.

The idea of a fund through which euro zone countries would effectively cross-guarantee one another’s deposits was always going to make Germany and other northern Europe countries queasy, as it could force them to bail out a string of shaky, highly indebted banking systems to the south.

But it was the first time Ms. Merkel had been so explicit. And it renewed doubts about her overall commitment to a banking union, which many see as the most important initiative Europe has undertaken to resolve the crisis.

So what does Germany want? Is it really seeking treaty change, or is Mr. Schäuble just bringing up the idea to stall a banking union? And if Germany were to get a treaty change, would it suddenly like a banking union more?

When quizzed, hesitant policy makers in Brussels — after clenching their jaws and sucking their teeth — shrug. They wish they knew what Germany really wanted.

But they are more certain of two things: German elections are coming up, and Germany’s constitutional court will probably have to be consulted on the details of a banking union, especially on the single set of procedures for wrapping up failed banks.

“Germany has always had cold feet about banking union,” said one E.U. official, convinced that Berlin was determined to stall until after the Sept. 22 vote, if not long beyond.

Yet the reason the words “treaty change” cause so much consternation is not so much connected with a banking union itself. It is about the interplay of member states and the very real risk that a minor opening of the treaty could lead to a full-scale renegotiation of all 27 nations’ ties to the Union — the dreaded opening of a Pandora’s Box.

The European Commission has said it is “100 percent sure” that it has the legal grounds to implement a banking union without changing the treaty.

But if Germany is convinced otherwise and other member states follow its lead, it may be impossible to move ahead without tinkering with the fundamental law, a trying and cumbersome process that depending on how it is done, can take 18 months or more.

That immediately raises questions of timing.

With Germany in election mode until September, no serious discussions on either banking union or treaty change will take place until the end of the year, at the earliest.

But the next round of European Parliament elections will be in May 2014, and the European Commission and European Council will be reappointed only a few months later, making it all but impossible to make progress on any substantive issue until the new leadership is in place.

That moves the debate into early 2015, which puts the matter in close proximity to the next British election, expected in the spring of that year.

Prime Minister David Cameron wants to renegotiate Britain’s relationship with the Union. And he has promised voters a referendum on Britain’s membership in the European Union. That promise is already causing consternation from Berlin to Budapest.

Mr. Cameron’s call to “renegotiate” is another way of saying “treaty change.” But what the British prime minister wants from an altered treaty is very different from what is sought by Germany, let alone France, Italy, Poland or the Netherlands, most of whom are deeply ambivalent about the issue.

Mr. Schäuble knows that. And so while his reference to treaty change in Ireland may genuinely have been about laying the proper legal groundwork for the future of a banking union, it is equally likely that it was a good way of kicking up a storm that delays a banking union until well after the September election and perhaps even longer.

No wonder officials in Brussels are clenching their jaws.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/04/30/business/global/30iht-inside30.html?partner=rss&emc=rss