April 27, 2024

Minimum Wage in Europe Offers Ammunition in U.S. Debate

PARIS — Now that President Barack Obama has proposed an increase in the U.S. minimum wage, people on both sides of the debate in Washington might want to look to Europe for ammunition.

Minimum wage policies vary widely across the Continent, and as Europe grapples with the austerity measures that governments have imposed to help overcome its long-running debt crisis, the issue — especially the way minimum wages affect growth and competitiveness — is as important as ever.

In countries like Germany, where there is no minimum wage, concerns are mounting that swaths of low-skilled workers are sliding into poverty. In more protective nations like France, where the minimum wage is used to address income disparity and stoke spending, some say that higher labor costs may make investors turn elsewhere.

“The impact on growth from changes in the minimum wage comes down to the level at which it is set,” said Simon Tilford, chief economist at the Center for European Reform in London. “Those set at moderate levels don’t have a negative impact on employment or growth. But clearly there is a risk that if it is raised too high, it can lead to problems.”

In the United States, he said, the minimum wage “is clearly very much on the low side.” He added: “It’s about striking a balance between the need to ensure people are on a living wage, and making sure that wage isn’t set so high that it prices them out of employment.”

One argument frequently advanced in places like France — and which Mr. Obama raised when he made his proposal during the State of the Union address to Congress on Tuesday — is that minimum wage levels must at least keep up with the rise in inflation. But even with an incremental increase, minimum wages still tend to be below what most people consider a living wage.

In France, which pioneered minimum wage legislation in Europe starting in the 1950s, President François Hollande recently raised the minimum wage twice to fulfill a campaign pledge to help low earners, even as Germany and other North European countries called for wage restraint as part of broad austerity measures intended to help Europe exit its long-running debt crisis.

Both moves resulted in political backlash. When Mr. Hollande lifted the hourly wage in June by 2 percent, to €9.40, or $12.64 an hour, trade unions and political opponents said the increase was not nearly enough to help the working poor. “You can’t even buy a baguette every day” on the increase, a popular leftist leader, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, charged.

Yet when Mr. Hollande lifted it again last month by another 0.3 percent, to €9.43 an hour, the main lobby group for small and midsize French businesses warned that the decision would add to France’s already high labor costs, threaten investment and bring on “the destruction of tens of thousands of jobs among the least qualified.”

Still, while employers contend that lifting the minimum wage raises their overall cost of doing business, people earning low wages must rely on some form of welfare to supplement their income and survive, Mr. Tilford said. That means private employers are being subsidized in some form by the government, he said.

Since Britain introduced its minimum wage in 1999, Mr. Tilford added, “the impact on employment was minimal, and there was no indication it had any negative impact.”

In Germany, the picture is starkly different. Germany has no nationwide legal minimum wage, a point of contention for the main center-left political party, the Social Democrats, who plan to use the issue against Chancellor Angela Merkel in their campaign to unseat her in the elections next autumn.

Hourly wages are as low as €7 for laundry workers in eastern Germany but can also be higher. The minimum wage for construction workers in western Germany is €13.70 an hour.

But cuts in minimum benefits for jobless people since 2005 have put pressure on those seeking employment to work for low wages. That has contributed to a steep drop in unemployment — the jobless rate in Germany is a relatively low 7.4 percent. But it is also stoking complaints that employers are exploiting some workers. German media have reported on people earning less than €4, and €6 an hour is not uncommon in industries like food service or retailing.

Critics say such policies have also deepened income inequality, even as the German economy outperforms most others in Europe.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/14/business/global/minimum-wage-in-europe-offers-ammunition-in-us-debate.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

South Korean Executive Imprisoned for Embezzlement

SEOUL — The head of SK, one of the largest South Korean conglomerates and owner of the largest mobile carrier and biggest oil refiner in the country, was arrested in a Seoul courtroom Thursday after he was sentenced to four years in prison for embezzlement.

The court’s decision to have Chey Tae-won, 53, detained and dispatched to prison from the courtroom, pending his appeal, was highly unusual in South Korea, where judges have a reputation for being lenient toward powerful tycoons convicted of white-collar crimes.

Until recently, such tycoons rarely spent any time in prison, as courts most often not only did not arrest them but also suspended their prison terms, citing their “contribution to the economy” and fears that their absence from management might hurt their corporate empires, and by extension, the national economy.

Mr. Chey was convicted of embezzling 49.7 billion won, or $45.6 million, from the mobile phone company SK Telecom and another SK subsidiary, SK CC, in 2008. SK is the third-largest South Korean corporation by assets, after Samsung and Hyundai.

“I didn’t do it,” Mr. Chey said in the courtroom. “I only learned about this in 2010, and that’s all I can say.”

South Korean courts’ attitude toward white-collar crimes has begun changing recently amid mounting public calls for “economic democratization.” During the presidential election campaign in December, all major candidates, including Park Geun-hye, who is now president-elect, championed the political catchphrase. They vowed to stop the country’s conglomerates from squeezing smaller businesses through unfair business practices, fight a widening income disparity and ensure that tycoons convicted of corruption will be punished properly.

In February last year, Lee Ho-jin, the chairman of a relatively minor conglomerate called Taekwang, was sentenced to four and a half years in prison for embezzlement and was immediately jailed. In August, a Seoul court sentenced Kim Seung-youn, head of the Hanwha conglomerate, to four years in prison for embezzlement and also sent him directly to prison from the courtroom. (Mr. Kim was paroled this month when a court ruled his illness was serious enough for hospitalization.)

Mr. Chey is the highest-profile tycoon yet to have faced the tougher sentences being imposed by courts.

This is the second time he has been ordered imprisoned for corruption. In 2003, he was arrested on charges of bookkeeping fraud, but his prison term was suspended, and he was released.

“He used the subsidiaries under his control as a tool for his crime,” the presiding judge, Lee Won-beom, said Thursday. “We had to face our duty to deal sternly with his crime before considering leniency.”

Former President Park Chung-hee, the father of Ms. Park, the president-elect, nurtured a handful of family-controlled businesses with easy credit, subsidies, tax benefits and protection from foreign competitors during his rule in the 1960s and ’70s.

They soon grew into the conglomerates, known locally as chaebol, and led the rapid economic growth of South Korea. Today, the country’s 10 biggest conglomerates, mostly in the third generation of familial control, make up more than half the total value of the companies traded on the Korea Stock Exchange.

But the corporate behemoths have also faced repeated accusations of bribery, poor corporate governance and shady business deals, often to help the families of their chairmen accumulate wealth. The heads of seven of the country’s top 10 conglomerates, including Lee Kun-hee, chairman of Samsung Electronics, and Chung Mong-koo, the chairman of Hyundai Automotive, have been convicted of crimes like bribery, embezzlement and tax evasion. But none has spent more than a few months behind bars, as their sentences, usually three years in prison, were quickly suspended by judges and their criminal records erased in presidential pardons.

“We fear that the guilty verdict against Chairman Chey Tae-won may further stoke the anti-business sentiment widespread in parts of our society,” the Federation of Korean Industries, which speaks for big businesses, said in a news release Thursday.

Solidarity for Economic Reform, a civic chaebol watchdog, noted that four years in prison for Mr. Chey was hardly a tough punishment. Acknowledging widespread discontent, the Supreme Court recently recommended that a businessman convicted of embezzling about 30 billion won be sentenced to at least four years in prison. By law, a prison term of more than three years cannot be suspended.

“Today’s verdict is positive in that it broke the old pattern of giving a suspended three years’ prison term, but it still is the minimum punishment under the current guidelines by the Supreme Court,” the civic group said in a statement. “Our courts have two faces when it comes to punishing chaebol.”

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/01/business/global/01iht-embezzle01.html?partner=rss&emc=rss