November 22, 2024

I.H.T. Special Report: The Syria Report Survives as Independent Publication

“My business thrived because there was an opening and I have to give Bashar credit,” Mr. Yazigi said during a recent conference in Istanbul, when asked to reflect upon the changes that awakened the Syrian middle class even as they enriched the elite. “The problem is he didn’t go deep or fast enough to head off the unrest. He didn’t reform the judicial system or encourage a free press, for example. These were red lines that could not be crossed.”

Mr. Yazigi, the son of an exiled Syrian dissident, publicly called for democratic reform as early as 2004, most notably in a column headlined “The D Word.”

At the same time, he applauded the government for stimulating free trade and foreign investment, liberalizing its currency, reforming its financial sector and removing subsidies on everything from cooking oil to farm equipment.

Largely as a result, the country’s gross domestic product rose steadily; between 2005 and 2010 it achieved an annualized growth rate of about 5 percent, among the highest for developing countries at the time.

Syria was not the only Arab country that aggressively deregulated its economy. Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan and Saudi Arabia all embraced similar changes which, by the end of the decade, had produced impressive growth but also high inflation, stubborn unemployment and yawning rates of income disparity.

Was it free-market reforms that triggered the convulsions that continue to destabilize the region? Or regime kleptocrats who hijacked a badly needed reform process?

“It makes it a lot more difficult for people to sacrifice for the sake of change when elites are profiting,” Mr. Yazigi said. “That said, there were more problems than just corruption.”

In promoting service sectors like hotel construction and management over labor-intensive ones like manufacturing, Mr. Yazigi added, the government neglected a fertile source of jobs. It also exposed its industries to high quality, affordable imported goods when it signed a free trade deal with Turkey.

The government withdrew price supports on farm equipment and produce too quickly, he said, sparking an exodus of laborers from an agriculture sector that once accounted for a quarter of total employment.

“Many farmers ended up moving into urban slums,” Mr. Yazigi said, “and that led to a lot of stress and resentment in the cities.”

Mr. Yazigi, a French citizen and Greek Orthodox Christian, is, like Mr. Assad, an outsider whose destiny lured him back to Syria. Both men are sons of plotters — though unlike Mr. Assad’s father, Hafez, an air force general who ruled Syria from 1970 until his death in 2000, Raja Yazigi was on the losing end of a 1961 coup he helped lead in Lebanon.

After fleeing via Jordan, he settled in Ghana, where he established a carpentry business and started a family. At the age of eight, Mr. Yazigi was sent to France for his education. Like Bashar, who studied ophthalmology in Britain before he was fated by his elder brother’s death to lead the Assad ruling dynasty, Mr. Yazigi was obliged to interrupt his studies at the American University in Paris and run the family business when his father passed away in 1995.

The building trade could never compete with Mr. Yazigi’s love of politics, and with the arrival of Bashar as president he sensed an opportunity to indulge a passion inspired by his father, who sent his children to Damascus every summer to improve their Arabic and learn the city’s political terrain.

In October 2001, from Paris, Mr. Yazigi distributed an online translation of Syria’s then-fledgling financial press. He knew he was onto something just a few weeks later when The World Bank contacted him and asked for more.

“The Internet had just started,” he said. “I felt like this was something I could do that I really loved and give something back to the country.”

The Syria Report comes out each week with data and news gathered from a variety of sources, including Mr. Yazigi’s own reporting. Among his most precious resources is a database of hundreds of Syrian companies he compiled by soliciting such details as contact coordinates, names of board directors, financial returns and shareholder information.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/20/world/middleeast/the-syria-report-survives-as-independent-publication.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Conference Looks for Lessons From Upheaval

To people who lived through the upheaval that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall, their experience provided lessons — as well as warnings.

Valdis Zatlers, the president of Latvia, pointed out the huge difference between Estonia, which at the beginning of the year joined the euro area, and Belarus, still a Stalinist dictatorship. “Twenty years ago they were at the same starting point,” Mr. Zatlers said during a panel discussion at the World Economic Forum on Europe and Central Asia on Wednesday. “Look at the different results.”

North Africa, as well as the economic challenges that continue to confront Eastern Europe and Central Asia, was a major topic of discussion during a one-and-a-half-day event in a former imperial palace, which was managed by the same organization that stages the annual World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland.

What can Egypt and Tunisia do to turn out more like Poland or the Czech Republic, rather than Kyrgyzstan, the former Soviet republic? In a measure of the misery that still prevails in Kyrgyzstan, the country’s president, Roza Otunbayeva, said Wednesday that one of her goals was to lift the country above its 164th place ranking, out of 178, on the Transparency International index of corruption.

“We want to be among civilized countries,” Ms. Otunbayeva said at the event.

There are some parallels between Eastern Europe in 1990 and North Africa today. Like Eastern Europe then, the North African countries were police states that needed to create democratic institutions from nothing.

Appearing on a panel with representatives from Libya and other Arab countries, Mr. Zatlers of Latvia warned that they could expect old elites to try to become the new elites. “In every society you have people who were more active in the previous society,” he said. “They are the first to participate. They want to keep power. We are still witnessing that 20 years later.”

The Eastern European countries were planned economies, while Egypt and Tunisia are nominally free market economies, but with a high degree of government intervention.

“The majority of business make their money by being close to government,” said Khalid Abdulla-Janahi, honorary chairman of Vision 3, an alliance of three investment banks in the United Arab Emirates.

Countries in the Middle East may have some advantages because they have more extensive trade ties than was the case in Warsaw Pact countries, as well as basic financial infrastructure like stock markets.

But North Africa faces some additional challenges. Eastern Europe bordered the wealthy countries of Western Europe and could benefit from trade and investment as well as direct aid. The prospect of joining the European Union served as a powerful incentive for political and economic modernization, a unifying goal for society.

“There was a much easier game plan — you turn to the European Union,” Peter Attard Montalto, emerging markets economist at Nomura International, said during an interview. North Africa, he said, “is a much bigger challenge.”

In the Arab world there is the destabilizing threat of Islamic extremism, as well as of meddling by countries like Iran or Saudi Arabia with no interest in promoting democracy.

East European societies tend to be aging and some are facing population decline, which can be a drag on economic growth and a burden for pension systems. The Arab world is dominated by people younger than 30. They are a potential source of entrepreneurial energy, and a huge pool of consumers.

“It is one of the youngest populations we have,” said Luis Álvarez , president of the emerging markets business of BT, the British telecommunications company, which offers services to companies in North Africa. “We see that as an opportunity for a large number of companies.”

But the young people also create political volatility. Mustapha Kamel Nabli, the governor of the Central Bank of Tunisia, warned that young people had high expectations after the country’s citizen revolution that would be difficult to fulfill.

“Young people want things to happen, but the economy is going down,” Mr. Nabli said during a panel discussion. Aid from institutions like the International Monetary Fund or European Bank for Reconstruction and Development is welcome but will not be enough, he said.

“We want private investors to come in and say they are willing to bet on our success,” he said.

Eastern Europe has demonstrated that, to some extent, a country’s fate depends on circumstances beyond its control, like geography, natural resources or size. Poland has benefited from its border with Germany and its domestic market of 38 million people. Kazakhstan has oil and natural gas and lots of land.

North African countries like Egypt and Tunisia, which do not have huge reserves of oil or gas, need to find economic niches to drive growth, Mr. Montalto of Nomura said. They could try to take advantage of business opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa, for example. Several speakers said they considered Turkey a stabilizing force.

But, like Eastern Europe two decades ago, representatives from North Africa said that they, too, were looking to Western Europe. European leaders and businesses should recognize that they have a strong interest in promoting economic development in countries trying to become democratic, they said.

“Libya is in the neighborhood,” said Tarik M. Yousef, a Libyan who is dean of the Dubai School of Government. “Libya matters.” Referring to the countries that after 1989 “built up almost from scratch,” he added, “I look to Europe for help.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=2b42594ed5132e881fdfe96b16cec4b0