May 3, 2024

Economix Blog: How Much More Can the Fed Help the Economy?

DESCRIPTIONJason Reed/Reuters What does Ben S. Bernanke think will be best for the economy?

With the risk of another recession on the horizon, many economists and investment analysts are hoping that Ben S. Bernanke will signal on Friday that the Federal Reserve is ready to step in once again and save the economy from disaster. After all, Congress seems wholly unwilling to engage in fiscal stimulus, and instead is planning further fiscal tightening.

But there are reasons to believe the Fed’s remaining tools may be losing their potency.

Monetary policy works best when the Fed cuts interest rates, giving banks a good opportunity to extend more loans. If more loans go out to people and companies, those people and companies can buy more goods and services, creating more demand and eventually more jobs.

CATHERINE RAMPELL

CATHERINE RAMPELL

Dollars to doughnuts.

Interest rates are already at zero, though (and have been for a while), so the Fed cannot lower them any further. That’s why the Fed has engaged in more unusual — in some cases, unprecedented — measures.

Twice now the Fed has engaged in large-scale asset purchasing, a process known as quantitative easing. (Hence the nicknames QE1 and QE2.) This is meant to lower long-term interest rates, which should, in theory, stimulate economic growth in two ways.

First, it should encourage more borrowing, so companies and consumers will have more money to spend.

Second, lower long-term interest rates could encourage investment in riskier assets, like stocks. Why? Because if long-term Treasuries don’t offer much in the way of returns, investors will seek higher yields elsewhere. If investors do start buying up riskier assets, those asset prices rise. Consumers then see that their portfolios are worth more, causing them to feel richer and so more comfortable with spending. This is known as the wealth effect.

But this two-pronged attack is probably less powerful today than it was three years ago.

After two rounds of quantitative easing, long-term interest rates are already quite low. It is not clear that lowering them further with a third round of quantitative easing (QE3) would do a whole lot more to encourage investment in riskier assets, or to increase lending. Many companies are choosing not to borrow primarily because demand is so weak, and not because credit is expensive.

Additionally, if investors do start increasing their investments in assets with higher returns, they may pour more money into commodities like oil. And commodity prices are already higher today than they were a year ago; pushing energy and food prices further up could actually discourage consumers from spending.

And many economists are still debating whether the last round of quantitative easing was terribly useful.

“It’s hard to make the argument that QE2 was a rousing success or we wouldn’t be on the verge of seeing QE3,” the economists at RBC Capital Markets wrote in a client note. “The market may very well get what it seems to desire, but we believe there is no magic bullet here.”

There are other measures the Fed could take besides quantitative easing. These include changing the composition, rather than the size, of the assets already on its balance sheet so that they have longer maturities. Like quantitative easing, this could lower long-term interest rates, with many of the same pros and cons. There would probably be less political resistance to reconfiguring, rather than expanding, the central bank’s debt holdings.

The Fed could also lower the interest rate it pays banks on their reserves. Maybe this would encourage them to hold less cash and increase their lending. There is some debate about how effective this measure would be. If demand for credit remains low, encouraging banks to lend more may not be helpful.

Many economists have suggested that the most powerful tool the Fed might employ would be an announcement that it is raising its medium-term target for inflation.

If prices are expected to rise, banks, businesses and consumers will be more eager to spend their money before it loses value. That could have positive effects throughout the economy, since spending means more demand for goods and services, which means companies need to hire more employees, which means more spending, and so on. That is the much-sought-after virtuous cycle.

Additionally, inflation would lower the value of many people’s debt burdens and so help with the painful process of deleveraging.

The problem, though, is that inflation has some major downsides too — especially if coupled with sluggish growth, as seen during the “stagflation” of the 1970s. Not having a good sense of how much your next gallon of milk or gas will cost is stressful, particularly if your wages aren’t rising to match the higher prices.

Today inflation is pretty low, but it’s higher than it was a year ago when the Fed last engaged in quantitative easing. Already the more hawkish members of the Federal Open Market Committee are getting antsy. Since Mr. Bernanke cannot unilaterally carry out any of these stimulus strategies, the chances that the Fed will increase its inflation target in the near future seem low.

But hey, the Fed has surprised people before.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=91a48d8abc26ecd0d66cbebe8abd54af

News Analysis: With Prospect of U.S. Slowdown, Europe Fears a Worsening Debt Crisis

It is that prospect — that Americans will again retrench and stop buying goods from China and Europe and everywhere else — that is putting new pressure on debt-ridden euro zone economies, most recently Italy and Spain.

Telephone lines were buzzing Sunday, with heads of government, economic ministers and central bankers from Asia to Europe to the United States discussing what might be usefully said before the markets’ opening on Monday. They all seem to agree about one thing, however: the need to defend the idea that the United States remains a reliable credit risk, despite a downgrade of a notch by Standard Poor’s.

But the United States’ problems, including the probability of a double-dip recession, have depressed forecasts for growth.

“There is a real psychosis, but everything is mixed, and that creates the problem,” said Cédric Thellier, an economist at the French investment bank Natixis. “It’s the fear of the markets, so the rates climb and a negative spiral begins.”

It is less clear how Europe can stop the downward spiral. The European Central Bank can buy some Italian and Spanish bonds, but Italy and Spain together are too big to bail out. And Europe — dilatory and incremental, requiring unanimity — does not do shock therapy.

Europe already has historically lower growth than the United States, and the likelihood that it will continue to slow will make the debt crisis worse. For the best way to reduce sovereign debt, everyone agrees, is through economic growth. With growth, there are more jobs and more tax receipts, adding to government revenues, while the debt shrinks as a percentage of a rising gross domestic product.

But recession puts even more pressure on governments trying to contain deficits: tax receipts drop, spending on social benefits increases and the debt rises inexorably, unless governments slash spending further, which further undercuts growth.

That is the “debt trap” that is dragging down Greece, Portugal and other European countries, and it is the cycle that is pushing Spain and especially Italy to the edge of default. Markets now see growth sputtering further, making those large debts larger and harder to finance, and putting at risk a number of banks holding sovereign debt. Italy can manage its debt at a 4 percent interest rate, but it becomes unaffordable when the rate is 6.5 percent on a debt that is 120 percent of gross domestic product.

As much as the American drama and talk of a new recession added to Europe’s ills, Europeans themselves must accept most of the blame. The last in a series of emergency summit meetings, all intended to calm markets and end the crisis, was less than three weeks ago, on July 21. Steps taken then — including an effective though modest restructuring of Greek debt and new powers for the bailout fund, called the European Financial Stability Facility — seemed to calm the markets. But everyone knew that the problem was not really solved, and that the fund’s new powers had to be drafted and ratified by member parliaments, which would take until autumn, and that Spain and Italy remained vulnerable.

But then came the American debt-ceiling crisis and negative growth projections. Leaders are on vacation, trading is thin and speculators have a larger impact.

As stocks fell and the markets went after Italy and Spain, there were other mistakes. José Manuel Barroso, president of the European Commission, made ill-advised comments, as in a letter on Thursday, when he called for a “rapid reassessment of all elements” related to the stability fund, so that it was “equipped with the means for dealing with contagious risk.”

Maïa de la Baume contributed reporting.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=28c962ef9ba725fd0f2f677bbb36f847

Economix: The Truth About Fundamentals

Herewith I offer a fundamental law about fundamentals:

If a government feels a need to proclaim that its economic fundamentals are strong, they are not.

FLOYD NORRIS

FLOYD NORRIS

Notions on high and low finance.

As you may recall, we heard a lot about fundamentals when the American economy was sliding into recession in 2007 and early 2008. But the immediate impetus for formulating the law comes from Rachel Donadio’s article on Wednesday:

ROME — As markets continued to hammer Italy, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi on Wednesday rebutted calls for his resignation, saying Italy’s economic fundamentals were strong and pledging that his government was “up to the task” of fostering economic growth.

Mr. Berlusconi went on to declare: “Our economy is healthy. The country is economically and financially solid.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=e86cc2a21e8d1b5d699df97d691ebf14

Australia’s Mining Boom Is Pied Piper for Workers

SYDNEY — Having grown up in a working-class suburb of Sydney, 20-year-old Brian Felice said, he never planned to follow in his father’s footsteps as a construction worker. Perhaps, he thought, he would join one of his three older brothers in the gleaming Sydney office towers from which they navigated the high-flying worlds of finance and banking.

But in Australia these days, finance just is not where the money is. A mining boom has lured thousands of workers into resource-related fields, leaving tourism, manufacturing and many other sectors short of skilled labor.

Mr. Felice set out for the state of Western Australia, home to a boom in resource production unrivaled since the great gold rushes of the 19th century. After two years building homes for miners in the sprawling camps dotting the western desert, he made enough money to buy a home of his own in Sydney’s notoriously expensive real estate market, with enough left over to put himself through college.

And just what is he studying? Construction, of course.

“I was getting, like, 27 dollars an hour in Western Australia, rather than maybe 15 dollars an hour in Sydney,” he said in a telephone interview. The wages are the equivalent of $29 and $16.

“I just couldn’t believe how much money it was. I’m an 18-year-old kid at the time,” he said, adding, “I just could not believe how hard it can be in Sydney for an 18-year-old.”

Australia’s economy is booming, thanks largely to soaring demand for its abundant deposits of coal and iron ore — not to mention natural gas and gold — which India and China have been gobbling up to fuel their own surging economic growth. Even during the global financial crisis, Australia, unlike many Western economies, registered modest growth, a trend that has since accelerated, as commodity prices have regained their footing.

But both Prime Minister Julia Gillard’s government and private sector economists have been increasingly vocal about what they fear is the dark side of that growth. Resource sectors, and related sectors like construction, are to a rising extent taking precedence over other industries, like tourism and manufacturing. The effect is a distorted economy, as the resource boom sucks up the already thin pool of skilled laborers and drives labor costs up across the board.

Australia is now facing a problem many Western countries would be happy to have: There simply is not enough skilled labor to fill all of the jobs being created by the hot economy, said Paul Bloxham, a former Australian Reserve Bank economist who is now HSBC’s chief economist for Australia and New Zealand.

“I think we’re moving to a world where the mining industry and all the associated jobs — in construction and in professional services — are going to be the main thing where there are skill shortages,” he said in an interview. “And that’s going to put upward pressure on those wages, and people will transfer across to those jobs from other industries.

“I suspect that’s the next problem we’re going to face: not enough labor on the supply side to meet the demand out there in terms of jobs that are being created in the mining industry.”

A report on the skill shortage issued recently by a government task force agrees, saying Australia will need to add 2.4 million skilled workers by 2015 to meet businesses’ growing needs. That is after allowing for the replacement of retiring baby boomers, as well as a drooping birth rate, problems that led Ms. Gillard to warn recently of a “yawning demographic deficit.”

Ms. Gillard began sounding the alarm in February in a speech to business leaders in Melbourne, calling the skill shortage “the biggest challenge arising from the boom.” The mining industry, with its high salaries promising even unskilled laborers the opportunity to get rich quick, was like “a magnet dragging iron filings towards it.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=c95308bf633e714bcb8e5a2dbe6202e9

Economic Scene: As Economy Sputters, a Timid Fed

Whenever officials at the Federal Reserve confront a big decision, they have to weigh two competing risks. Are they doing too much to speed up economic growth and touching off inflation? Or are they doing too little and allowing unemployment to stay high?

It’s clear which way the Fed has erred recently. It has done too little. It stopped trying to bring down long-term interest rates early last year under the wishful assumption that a recovery had taken hold, only to be forced to reverse course by the end of year.

Given this recent history, you might think Fed officials would now be doing everything possible to ensure a solid recovery. But they’re not. Once again, many of them are worried that the Fed is doing too much. And once again, the odds are rising that it’s doing too little.

Higher oil prices, government layoffs, Japan’s devastation and Europe’s debt woes are all working against the recovery. Already, a prominent research firm founded by a former Fed governor, Macroeconomic Advisers, has downgraded its estimate of economic growth in the current quarter to a paltry 2.3 percent, from 4 percent. The Fed’s own forecasts, notes that former governor, Laurence Meyer, “have been incredibly optimistic.”

Why is this happening? Above all, blame our unbalanced approach to monetary policy.

One group of Fed officials and watchers worries constantly about the prospect of rising inflation, no matter what the economy is doing. Some of them are haunted by the inflation of the 1970s and worry it may return at any time. Others spend much of their time with bank executives or big investors, who generally have more to lose from high inflation than from high unemployment.

There is no equivalent group — at least not one as influential — that obsesses over unemployment. Instead, the other side of the debate tends to be dominated by moderates, like Ben Bernanke, the Fed chairman, and Mr. Meyer, who sometimes worry about inflation and sometimes about unemployment.

The result is a bias that can distort the Fed’s decision-making. Just look at the last 18 months. Again and again, the inflation worriers, who are known as hawks, warned of an overheated economy. In one speech, a regional Fed president even raised the specter of Weimar Germany.

These warnings helped bring an end early last year to the Fed’s attempts to reduce long-term interest rates — even though the Fed’s own economic models said that it should be doing much more. We now know, of course, that the models were right and the hawks were wrong. Recoveries from financial crises are usually slow and uneven. Yet the hawks show no sign of grappling with their failed predictions.

It is true that the situation has become more complicated in the last couple of months. Some of the economic data has been encouraging, and inflation has picked up.

In particular, core inflation, which excludes volatile oil and food prices, has increased somewhat. (Overall inflation obviously matters more for household budgets, but core inflation matters more to the Fed, because it’s a better predictor of future inflation than inflation itself.) Over the last three months, the Fed’s preferred measure of core inflation has risen at annual rate of 1.4 percent, up from less than 1 percent last year.

Still, 1.4 percent remains low — considerably lower than the past decade’s average of 1.9 percent, the 1990s average of 2.2 percent or the 1980s average of 4.6 percent. Unemployment, on the other hand, remains high. By any standard, joblessness is a bigger problem than inflation.

There is also reason to think that inflation will fall in coming months. Rising oil prices alone aren’t enough to create an inflationary spiral. Workers also need to have enough leverage to demand substantial raises — which then forces companies to increase prices and, in turn, gives workers further reason to demand raises. In today’s economy, this chain of events is pretty hard to fathom.

Adam Posen, an American economist who’s now an official at the Bank of England, told The Guardian this week that he was so confident inflation in Britain would decline that he would resign if it did not. His analysis also applies to the United States. “Wages,” Mr. Posen said, “will be the dog that doesn’t bark.”

It’s still too soon to know what the Fed should do next. Its current plan is to let the program known as QE2 — for quantitative easing, round two — expire in June. The program started late last year, once the economy’s troubles were impossible to ignore, as an attempt to reduce long-term interest rates by buying Treasury bonds.

If the economic data improves and inflation does not drop, ending QE2 will be the right call. But if the economy continues to weaken, there will be a strong case for doing more. One option would be to buy both Treasury bonds and mortgage-backed bonds, as the Fed did during QE1, as a way to attack the double dip in the housing market.

The problem is that some Fed officials already seem to have made up their minds, regardless of the data. In their public remarks, officials continue to wring their hands about QE2 rather than prepare people for the possibility of QE3. Some hawks have gone so far as to suggest halting QE2 early.

Meanwhile, the recovery looks uncertain, and the job market remains weak. Even if job growth were to accelerate sharply in coming months, the economy would be years away from so-called full employment. But never mind that, the hawks say — rampant inflation is just around the corner.

E-mail: leonhardt@nytimes.com; twitter.com/DLeonhardt

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=fa50b7aed532e395de2e02130f50647c