November 28, 2024

Paid Sick Leave Laws Generate Concern, but Not Much Pain

Six years later, Mr. Stone admits to having been a little alarmist about paid sick leave. “As a small restaurant business, it’s really hard to make money, and when they add another requirement, it makes you nervous,” Mr. Stone said in a recent interview. “But all and all, I actually think it’s a good thing.”

This spring, paid sick leave came up for vigorous debate in cities around the country. Portland, Ore., passed a law in March, and New York followed suit last week when the City Council overrode a veto by Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg. In Philadelphia, sick-leave legislation died after Mayor Michael Nutter vetoed it. In each case, the same concerns about the bill — that it is unnecessary and intrusive, and especially expensive and burdensome for small businesses — have surfaced.

At a contentious six-hour New York City Council meeting in March, representatives of at least a dozen trade associations testified against the bill. Jay Peltz, representing independent grocers, called it “a de facto annual $800 million tax increase.” Those arguments appeared to carry the day in the half-dozen states that have passed laws this year prohibiting cities and towns from enacting their own sick-leave laws. But in San Francisco, the District of Columbia and the state of Connecticut, places that have had such laws in force for more than a year (Seattle adopted one in September), it can be difficult to find small-business owners who say they have been hampered by the law’s obligations — though some object in principle.

While the statutes vary by jurisdiction, most require a company to provide an hour of paid time off for every 30 to 40 or so hours worked by full- and part-time employees. The laws make allowances for small businesses, setting varying accrual rates or limits on the amount of paid time earned or exempting the smallest businesses altogether. (In New York, initially, businesses with fewer than 20 employees will have to provide unpaid leave, not paid leave.) Companies that offer an equivalent benefit, including vacation days that can be used as emergency time off, do not have to change their policies.

Before the law took effect in San Francisco, nearly two-thirds of all businesses there already provided the equivalent of paid time off, according to a 2011 study for the Institute for Women’s Policy Research, which supports paid sick leave and other family-friendly laws. “I don’t remember when we didn’t have paid sick leave,” said Paul Cowden, who employs four people at Cowden Automotive, a San Francisco car repair shop he started in 1978. “To me, it’s a humane way to run a business. And I give my guys their time if they don’t use it. I figure I’m making deposits in my karma bank.”

Among those companies that did have to put a new policy in place, about half reported that adopting and managing it was not difficult, according to the study. And many businesses fearful that paying for sick leave would drive up expenses have since reported that those concerns were unfounded. Richard Crain, who runs the Village Grill in San Francisco, said his nine employees were not sick that often. “You have to give them one week per year,” he said. “But usually it’s just a day or two here and there.”

Mr. Stone agreed, and said that paid sick leave increased his payroll costs by less than 1 percent. “In retrospect,” he said, “it really hasn’t been a big expense at all.”

That is not to say that no small businesses claim to have been affected by the law. Daniel Shackford, who operates Great Beginnings, a day care center in Plainville, Conn., said his payroll costs increased by $20,000 last year because of paid sick leave — just over 2 percent. Under the new statewide law, which took effect early in 2012, when someone takes a day’s leave, Mr. Shackford said, “I now have to pay the temporary worker who comes in, as well as the person who’s out sick. That either comes out of my pocket, or I have to charge my customers more.”

But because the law exempts smaller competitors as well as nonprofit organizations like the Y.M.C.A., said Mr. Shackford, who is a member of the Connecticut Business and Industry Association, a trade group that fought the law, “it’s pretty hard to raise my prices to cover this expense.”

“Businesses that are affected by the law don’t like it,” said Peter Gioia, a vice president and economist for the Connecticut trade group. Many companies already had their own version of a sick-time policy, he said. “But this imposed a one-size-fits-all, union-type, strictly regulated set of procedures on everybody.”

Still, the number of businesses affected was limited in Connecticut, because the law was drawn narrowly. It applies only to companies with at least 50 workers, and manufacturers were excluded altogether. (New York City also exempted manufacturers.) Moreover, the Connecticut labor department has allowed business owners who have organized their ventures into individual legal entities to apply the 50-employee threshold to each entity.

For example, a restaurateur with six medium-size establishments might employ 200 or more people in total, but if each restaurant is established as its own business — and this is common, according to Carmen Vacalebre, whose Carmen Anthony chain operates four restaurants in Connecticut — the owner does not have to comply. Mr. Vacalebre said he provided sick leave only to his salaried employees. “In the restaurant business, the hours are very flexible. If someone wants to trade hours, they do it every day,” he said. “My folks make a lot of money, but only when they work.”

Officials of the Connecticut trade group concede that, as written, the law applies to only about 8 percent of its members, and that many of these companies already have paid sick leave policies, or something similar, in place. Bob Davis, president and chief executive of Schulz Electric, a New Haven company that repairs industrial equipment, said he offered a generous vacation policy — two weeks in the first year — to attract talented workers. “I belong to a number of different forums and industry groups,” Mr. Davis said, “and the way the law is written currently it doesn’t affect any of the members.”

In Washington, which mandated paid sick leave in 2008, companies with fewer than 25 workers need to provide only as many as three days of sick leave a year. A report released in June by the District of Columbia’s auditor found that nearly 90 percent of responding businesses said the law would not encourage them to move out of the city. Nearly a third of the businesses, however, said they did not offer paid sick leave to their employees, in apparent violation of the law.

Thomas Damato, an owner of the popular Restaurant Nora — in the ’90s, the Clintons dined there frequently — said he was not aware of the obligation until he heard about it from a reporter. “It’s never been an issue, because we just pay for it,” Mr. Damato said.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/04/business/smallbusiness/paid-sick-leave-laws-generate-more-concern-than-pain.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Most Americans Face Lower Tax Burden Than in the 80s

“It feels like the harder we work, the more they take from us,” said Mr. Hicks, 55, as he waited for a meat truck one recent afternoon. “And it seems like there’s an awful lot of people in the United States who don’t pay any taxes.”

These are common sentiments in the eastern suburbs of St. Louis, a region of fading factory towns fringed by new subdivisions. Here, as across the country, people like Mr. Hicks are pained by the conviction that they are paying ever more to finance the expansion of government.

But in fact, most Americans in 2010 paid far less in total taxes — federal, state and local — than they would have paid 30 years ago. According to an analysis by The New York Times, the combination of all income taxes, sales taxes and property taxes took a smaller share of their income than it took from households with the same inflation-adjusted income in 1980.

Households earning more than $200,000 benefited from the largest percentage declines in total taxation as a share of income. Middle-income households benefited, too. More than 85 percent of households with earnings above $25,000 paid less in total taxes than comparable households in 1980.

Lower-income households, however, saved little or nothing. Many pay no federal income taxes, but they do pay a range of other levies, like federal payroll taxes, state sales taxes and local property taxes. Only about half of taxpaying households with incomes below $25,000 paid less in 2010.

The uneven decline is a result of two trends. Congress cut federal taxation at every income level over the last 30 years. State and local taxes, meanwhile, increased for most Americans. Those taxes generally take a larger share of income from those who make less, so the increases offset more and more of the federal savings at lower levels of income.

In a half-dozen states, including Connecticut, Florida and New Jersey, the increases were large enough to offset the federal savings for most households, not just the poorer ones.

Now an era of tax cuts may be reaching its end. The federal government depends increasingly on borrowed money to pay its bills, and many state and local governments are similarly confronting the reality that they are spending more money than they collect. In Washington, debates about tax cuts have yielded to debates about who should pay more.

President Obama campaigned for re-election on a promise to take a larger share of taxable income above roughly $250,000 a year. The White House is now negotiating with Congressional Republicans, who instead want to raise some money by reducing tax deductions. Federal spending cuts also are at issue.

If a deal is not struck by year’s end, a wide range of federal tax cuts passed since 2000 will expire and taxes will rise for roughly 90 percent of Americans, according to the independent Tax Policy Center. For lower-income households, taxation would spike well above 1980 levels. Upper-income households would lose some but not all of the benefits of tax cuts over the last three decades.

Public debate over taxes has typically focused on the federal income tax, but that now accounts for less than a third of the total tax revenues collected by federal, state and local governments. To analyze the total burden, The Times created a model, in consultation with experts, which estimated total tax bills for each taxpayer in each year from 1980, when the election of President Ronald Reagan opened an era of tax cutting, up to 2010, the most recent year for which relevant data is available.

The analysis shows that the overall burden of taxation declined as a share of income in the 1980s, rose to a new peak in the 1990s and fell again in the 2000s. Tax rates at most income levels were lower in 2010 than at any point during the 1980s.

Governments still collected the same share of total income in 2010 as in 1980 — 31 cents from every dollar — because people with higher incomes pay taxes at higher rates, and household incomes rose over the last three decades, particularly at the top.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/30/us/most-americans-face-lower-tax-burden-than-in-the-80s.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Amgen to Pay $780 Million to Settle Marketing Accusations

Amgen said Monday that it had set aside $780 million to settle various federal and state investigations and whistle-blower lawsuits accusing it of illegal sales and marketing tactics.

Amgen said it had reached an agreement in principle to settle criminal and civil investigations that had been under way for several years by the United States attorney offices in Brooklyn and Seattle.

The company said a settlement, which it expected to be concluded in three to four months, would also resolve state Medicaid investigations and 10 whistle-blower lawsuits. It is not clear if the company will plead guilty to any criminal charges.

Most of the whistle-blower lawsuits remain under seal, but Amgen has said in regulatory filings that the lawsuits “allege that Amgen engaged in a wide variety of illegal marketing practices.”

The federal investigations, according to Amgen, seem to involve marketing, pricing and dosing of its anemia drugs, Aranesp and Epogen, and its dissemination of information about clinical trials on the safety and efficacy of those drugs. Numerous current and former executives have received civil and grand jury subpoenas, the company has said.

One whistle-blower lawsuit that was unsealed accuses the company of overfilling vials of Aranesp, essentially providing doctors with free amounts of the drug to give patients and then charge to Medicare, Medicaid or private insurers.

The lawsuit said that Amgen tried to persuade doctors to use Aranesp, rather than Procrit, a rival drug sold by Johnson Johnson, by pointing to the extra profits the doctors could make by using the overfill and billing for it.

The lawsuit was filed by Kassie Westmoreland, a former Amgen sales representative and Aranesp product manager. The federal government declined to join the lawsuit, but more than a dozen states did join, including New York and California. Ms. Westmoreland would be entitled to part of any settlement under whistle-blower statutes.

In the past, Amgen has said the accusations were without merit.

During depositions in the case, five former Amgen executives invoked the Fifth Amendment against self-incrimination, according to court documents.

That case was scheduled to go to trial in the United States District Court in Boston on Oct. 17, but the trial was then called off, apparently because a settlement was near.

“We are very encouraged by the agreement in principle and will comment further at the appropriate time,” lawyers for Ms. Westmoreland said.

Amgen, the world’s largest biotechnology company, revealed the agreement in its earnings announcement for the third quarter. It said the charge for the settlement reduced its third-quarter earnings by 77 cents a share after taxes.

The settlement and the charge did not seem to interest investors. In the company’s conference call on Monday, no analyst asked a question about it.

Excluding the legal charge and some other special items, Amgen reported that earnings for the quarter increased 3 percent, to $1.40 a share, compared with the third quarter of 2010. Revenue also increased 3 percent, to $3.94 billion.

The company slightly raised its guidance for both revenue and earnings for 2011 as a whole. And it said it would increase its buyback of shares.

Sales of most Amgen products rose in the quarter. But sales of its anemia drugs, Aranesp and Epogen, continued to fall, in part because the Food and Drug Administration issued new safety warnings about the drugs in June. Over the last few years, studies have shown that high doses of the drugs can raise the risk of heart attacks and other problems.

Sales of Aranesp fell 4 percent in the quarter to $600 million. Sales of Epogen, which is used only by dialysis clinics, fell 27 percent, to $476 million. Medicare has changed the way it pays for dialysis to remove what had been a profit incentive for dialysis clinics to overuse Epogen.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=dce8aaf41c604179a518e4861253e1b0