May 27, 2024

Telecom Italia Seeks to Spin Off Its Landline Grid

The president of the regulatory agency AgCom, Angelo Marcello Cardani, is expected to address the question during the presentation of the regulator’s annual report in Rome on Tuesday. His remarks may clarify whether the spinoff plan, advanced by Telecom Italia’s chief, Franco Bernabè, stands a chance, as the company tries to snap its decade-long cycle of debt and spur growth in ts slowing domestic market.

The uncertain future of the fiber optic and copper wire network prompted Telecom Italia last week to abandon merger talks with 3, a mobile network operator group owned by the Hong Kong conglomerate Hutchison Whampoa that includes 3 Italia, the smallest of four network carriers in Italy.

For Telecom Italia, the nationwide grid is both an advantage and an albatross.

With its ubiquitous infrastructure, Telecom Italia has been able to combine its cellphone, landline, Internet and television services at prices that smaller rivals like Fastweb, owned by Swisscom, find hard to match.

But because Telecom Italia owns the only nationwide landline grid, AgCom has put limits on its ability to profit from the network by setting leasing prices that favor rivals and newcomers, a policy known as “asymmetric regulation.” Under that policy, Telecom Italia must first get AgCom’s approval before selling new services, to ensure that rivals leasing its network have the ability to match the offer.

Addressing a crushing debt of 28.8 billion euros, or $37 billion, the legacy of a series of leveraged buyouts in the 1990s, Mr. Bernabè is negotiating with regulators and the European commissioner responsible for the industry, Neelie Kroes, to permit a spinoff of the landline grid.

“This could be a very worthwhile move if it comes with the right conditions,” James Britton, an analyst at Nomura in London, said.

Telecom Italia wants to put its landline grid into a separate subsidiary, which would lease access under the same terms to all operators, including Telecom Italia, and has expressed a willingness to sell a “significant” minority stake in the new entity to a state-owned infrastructure bank, Cassa Depositi e Prestiti.

Such spinoffs remain rare in the telecommunications industry, where most former monopolies are unwilling to part with the inherited advantages of owning the biggest grid in a market. In 2006, the British telecommunications company BT spun off its landline business into a separate unit, Openreach. In 2011, Telecom New Zealand created a similar grid unit called Chorus and sold it to investors.

Italy may follow suit, but only if the former monopoly obtains significant regulatory concessions that improve its ability to compete domestically, according to analysts and people with knowledge of Telecom Italia’s deliberations. The talks over a potential sale of the grid are not expected to conclude until the end of the year at the earliest.

The prospect of those delays and the uncertainty over whether the landline grid will remain part of Telecom Italia contributed to the collapse of the merger talks with 3, according to a person with knowledge of the talks who was not authorized on behalf of the Italians.

The talks had begun in April when Hutchison Whampoa, which is controlled by Li Ka-shing, the Hong Kong billionaire, made an offer to merge 3 Italia with Telecom Italia in a deal that would have given 3 control.

Telecom Italia’s landline grid is considered a strategic national asset, according to the person with knowledge of the company’s deliberations, and the offer from Hong Kong goaded the Italian operator to advance plans to dispose of the grid before a sale.

“Paradoxically, it was the Hutchison feeler that brought it to a boil,” said the person. “Since realistically, the deal could not even be imagined with the network still inside the company, the question was brought back off the back burner, where it had been carefully kept for some years.”

Hutchison, frustrated by the delays, was left with little choice but to abandon the bid, the person said. On Thursday, Telecom Italia said that its board after consulting with Hutchison, had concluded that “there are not the elements necessary to start negotiations.”

3 Italia, in a statement, said that it was not continuing the talks, which it described as “very preliminary exploratory contacts,” because it would not be able to get approval for a deal from its owner, Hutchison Whampoa.

The breakdown of the talks was not a surprise, the person said. “Once the whole matter of the ‘network spinoff’ emerged it became clear to the Chinese that they’d have to wait a year to even have an idea of the perimeter of the object they proposed to buy,” the person said.

The Hong Kong-based group, which has carriers in six countries in Europe as well as others in Asia, has been expanding on the Continent, where its companies specialize in low-price calling plans with generous, often unlimited data downloads. Last week, it bought O2 Ireland from the Spanish operator Telefónica in a transaction worth at least 850 million euros.

Mr. Cardani of AgCom has not commented publicly on the spinoff plan since it was first raised in May.

Mr. Britton, the analyst at Nomura, said of Mr. Bernabè “I think there is a good chance he will be able to pull this off. He has shown himself to be pretty expert at navigating the political corridors around Rome.”

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/07/06/business/global/telecom-italia-seeks-to-spin-off-its-landline-grid.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Boom Times in Paraguay Leave Many Behind

But just a few minutes away by car one recent morning, grandmothers waded through raw sewage in the labyrinthine slum of La Chacarita, scavenging copper wire and aluminum cans to sell at scrap yards.

“Tell me about this growth,” said Cecilia Aguirre, 60, grasping a plastic bag holding her day’s takings, worth about $4. Squinting under the hot sun, she said she worked every day to feed the four grandchildren who live in her home. Asked about Paraguay’s robust economy, she added, “I’ve heard of no such thing in my lifetime.”

Indeed, Paraguay’s economic boom, fueled by bountiful harvests of export commodities like soybeans and corn, exists only in pockets. In parts of Asunción, showrooms are selling out of Porsches and Audis, and cranes are putting the finishing touches on luxury towers like the Ícono, a 37-story skyscraper of SoHo-inspired lofts.

Yet much of the country, which has long figured among South America’s poorest and most unequal nations, remains left behind. More than 30 percent of the population lives in poverty, according to the central bank, and Paraguay ranks near the bottom among South American countries in reducing poverty over the last decade, according to the United Nations.

Social spending for antipoverty projects is minimal, largely because taxation is lacking. Paraguay did not even have an income tax until this year, but even though the new across-the-board rate is low, at 10 percent, few people are expected to pay it, as exemptions and loopholes abound. The result: the economic boom may be accentuating the festering inequality in one of Latin America’s most politically unstable nations.

“Nearly all of the growth is driven by highly mechanized agriculture, which generates few jobs for the population,” said Andrew Dickson, an expert on Paraguay’s development policies at the University of Birmingham in Britain. “With a government that finances itself largely through value-added taxes and taxes on imports, you have a situation rather like a low-income African country.”

Paraguay is a landlocked nation about the size of California, sandwiched between southern Brazil and northern Argentina, with a population of 6.5 million. About 77 percent of its arable land is controlled by 1 percent of the nation’s landowners, according to the last agricultural census, and land disputes simmer in various parts of the country.

Activists claim that for decades large tracts of land were illegally distributed by corrupt officials, leaving many land titles in question. In one particularly bloody clash last June, 11 peasants and six police officers were killed at a soy estate in Curuguaty, in eastern Paraguay.

Legislators seized on that episode as a way to oust Fernando Lugo, the former Roman Catholic bishop who was elected president in 2008, ending six decades of one-party rule. Mr. Lugo had initially been expected to focus on reducing inequality, but faced obstacles in doing so.

Paraguay’s new president is one of the nation’s wealthiest men, the tobacco magnate Horacio Cartes, who was elected Sunday after promoting conservative, business-friendly policies during his campaign. He recognized poverty as an issue but has been vague about any plans for reducing it beyond trying to create more jobs through private investment.

The government’s economists remain bullish about growth, arguing that Paraguay, devastated by a 19th-century war that wiped out most of its male population and ruled throughout much of the 20th century by Gen. Alfredo Stroessner, one of the world’s longest-ruling dictators, is emerging from decades of ostracism in the global economy.

Paraguay sold $500 million of bonds in January in international markets, a rare source of financing for a nation overlooked by many foreign bankers for decades. Inflation and unemployment remain low, at less than 2 percent and less than 6 percent, respectively, and the overall poverty rate has fallen to about 32 percent in 2011 from 44 percent in 2003, said Roland Horst, a board member at the central bank.

“We do have a peasant issue now and then,” Mr. Horst said in an interview. “But there is less tension than 10 years ago.” He said the government had been trying to reduce poverty, noting that a program of giving small cash stipends to people in extreme poverty, begun in 2005, now included more than 75,000 families. Other economists, however, dispute such sunny assessments, arguing that the economy remains subject to wide swings, surging this year thanks in part to favorable weather conditions for certain crops, after contracting slightly in 2012 when farmers struggled with a drought.

They also contend that Paraguay’s social welfare programs remain meager compared with antipoverty projects in neighboring countries, which have lifted tens of millions of people out of abject living conditions. They blame Paraguay’s relatively weak state, with tax collection corresponding to only about 18 percent of gross domestic product, a figure lower than that of African nations like Congo and Chad.

“The statistics showing historically low unemployment are a farce,” said Luis Rojas Villagra, an economist at the National University, who estimates that as much as half of Paraguay’s work force is unemployed or underemployed in jobs with degrading wages and working conditions.

“How is it possible to reconcile the fact that hundreds of people survive each day by sifting through garbage in the municipal dump of Asunción while Paraguayans are also the biggest per-capita spenders in Punta del Este?” said Mr. Rojas Villagra, referring to the Uruguayan resort city where rich Paraguayans vacation alongside moneyed Argentines and Brazilians.

Such contrasts persist across Paraguay’s economy. Pockets of luxury, for instance, are expanding near Ciudad del Este, the city on the Brazilian border renowned as a smuggler’s haven.

One development, the Paraná Country Club, includes mansions selling for more than $3 million, largely to soybean growers or business executives from Brazil who have opened factories in Paraguay, a migration of manufacturing that is starting to resemble that of companies from the United States opening factories in low-wage Mexican border cities.

“2013 is starting to look like an amazing year,” said Thelma Amaral, an architect who designs homes near Ciudad del Este.

But elsewhere, including the soybean regions at the root of the growth, examples abound of disparities and disputes, largely over land. A small leftist rebel group, the Paraguayan People’s Army, has been picking off security forces in remote areas. Last weekend, the group killed at least one police officer and wounded several others.

In December, gunmen shot dead Vidal Vega, a leader of the peasant movement involved in the deadly clash at Curuguaty. He had been expected to be a witness at the criminal trial intended to shed light on the massacre. The inquiry into his killing, as in similar cases of peasant leaders killed in Paraguay in recent years, has turned up few leads.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/04/25/world/americas/boom-times-in-paraguay-leave-many-behind.html?partner=rss&emc=rss