April 20, 2024

Letters: Letters: Economic Lessons, Around the Globe

Re “Four Nations, Four Lessons” (Economic View, Oct. 23), in which N. Gregory Mankiw uses the examples of France, Greece, Japan and Zimbabwe to describe policies the United States should avoid:

In the column, he says that if taxes here approach those of Europe, “we can then see whether the next generation of Americans spends less time at work earning a living and more time sipping espresso in outdoor cafes.”

My several months spent living with a family in the French Alps three years ago exposed me to a more normal French experience — of working hard just to pay the bills. Higher taxes ensure public health, a safe retirement, cleaner streets and good schools. Gee, maybe you get what you pay for. France has a fairly thriving democracy without all the rancor we are suffering.

The French are no strangers to issues of immigration, racial tensions and health. Still, to suggest that they escape the “nose-to-the-grindstone American culture” assumes that a scraped nose is a good thing and that a balanced life is laziness. Neither is true, there or here. Rather than criticize progressive societies we should consider learning from them.

Edward McFadd

Encinitas, Calif., Oct. 23

To the Editor:

N. Gregory Mankiw concludes that “if American policy makers don’t rein in entitlement spending over the next several decades, they will have little choice but to raise taxes close to European levels.”

But he leaves a huge part of the federal budget out of his analysis: the hundreds of billions spent on the military.

Our deficit has been largely fueled by fighting two wars of choice while, at the same time, cutting taxes. A discussion of alternatives must consider substantial cuts to the military budget, not just to social programs.

Ben A. Solnit

Morris, Conn., Oct. 23

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=e04b53512fec179cbe28b4df6f5e7de1

Dexia’s Collapse in Europe Points to Global Risks

While American financial institutions have sought to limit any damage by reducing their loans and thus lowering their direct exposure to Europe’s problems, the recent rescue of the Belgian-French bank Dexia shows that there are indirect exposures that are less known and understood — and potentially worrisome.

Dexia’s problems are not entirely caused by Europe’s debt crisis, but some issues in its case are a matter of broader debate. Among them are how much of a bailout banks should get, and the size of the losses they should take on loans that governments cannot repay.

Among Dexia’s biggest trading partners are several large United States institutions, including Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs, according to two people with direct knowledge of the matter. To limit damage from Dexia’s collapse, the bailout fashioned by the French and Belgian governments may make these banks and other creditors whole — that is, paid in full for potentially tens of billions of euros they are owed. This would enable Dexia’s creditors and trading partners to avoid losses they might otherwise suffer without the taxpayer rescue.

Whether this sets a precedent if Europe needs to bail out other banks will be closely watched. The debate centers on how much of a burden taxpayers should bear to support banks that made ill-advised loans or trades.

Many on Wall Street and in government argue that rescues are essential, to avoid the risk of destabilizing the financial system — with one bank’s failure to pay its obligations leading to problems at other banks. But others counter that the rescue of Dexia is reminiscent of the United States’ decision to fully protect big banks that were the trading partners of the American International Group when it collapsed, a decision that was sharply questioned and examined by Congress.

Critics warn of a replay of the financial crisis in autumn 2008, when governments used taxpayer money to shore up troubled companies, then allowed them to transfer those funds to their trading partners to protect those institutions from losses. In using public money to rescue private institutions, these critics say, policy makers effectively rewarded banks that traded with companies that were in trouble, rather than penalizing them, and that encouraged risky behavior.

“The question is did the A.I.G. experience and the bailouts generally contribute to the current situation?” asked Jonathan Koppell, director of the School of Public Affairs at Arizona State University. Would the banks, he continued, “have had a different view in dealing with Greece — or with Dexia for that matter — if those who had dealt with A.I.G. hadn’t been made whole?”

Given the global and interconnected nature of the financial system, institutions around the world have other types of indirect risk to European debt problems. But the scope of these ties is not fully known, because the exposure is hidden by complex transactions that do not have to be reported in detail.

Dexia, which was bailed out by France and Belgium once before, in 2008, is just a small piece of the broader European debt and banking turmoil. But its collapse comes at a critical point, as European officials are meeting this weekend to work out how taxpayer money should be used to resolve the Continent’s debt crisis.

The most acrimonious debate has been over the amount of losses banks should suffer for lending hundreds of billions of euros to countries that may not be able to fully repay. In the case of Greece, big lenders in Europe have tentatively agreed to swallow modest losses on what they are owed, but are resisting proposals that would force them to take a much bigger hit. Even if they accept losses, they may then seek tens or hundreds of billions in capital infusions from their governments.

As the Dexia bailout deal closed last week and was approved by the French Parliament, officials overseeing the restructuring say that the bank will meet all of its obligations in full. Alexandre Joly, the head of strategy, portfolios and market activities at Dexia, said in an interview that the idea of forcing Dexia’s trading partners to accept a discount on what they are owed “is a monstrous idea.” He added, “It is not compatible with rules governing the euro zone, and it has never, ever been considered to our knowledge by any government in charge of the supervision of the banks.”

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/23/business/dexias-collapse-in-europe-points-to-global-risks.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

You’re the Boss Blog: Will Obama ‘QuickPay’ Policy Mean Billions to Small Businesses?

The Agenda

How small-business issues are shaping politics and policy.

On Wednesday, the White House made good on President Obama’s pledge, in his jobs speech to Congress last week, to speed up government payments to small-business contractors. The new policy, which has its own product-like branding, QuickPay, reduces the government’s payment time from 30 days after receiving an invoice to 15 days. In a statement, Karen Mills, Small Business Administration administrator, lauded the new policy: “QuickPay is a smart and powerful boost that effectively delivers billions more dollars into the hands of small contractors so that they can do what they do best — create jobs.”

Really? Billions more dollars? The Agenda thought an elaboration might be in order here, so we called Joe Jordan, the S.B.A.’s associate administrator for government contracting and business development.

The billions more dollars, he said, represent the interest saved on the cost of financing the goods and services produced for the government. Many businesses — perhaps most — do not finance their production or inventory out of earnings but rather by borrowing against lines of credit or taking out other loans. Even those that do rely on earnings then have an opportunity cost. “By cutting the receivables time in half, you’re reducing the negative float — it’s the financing cost of the good or service they just sold to the government,” Mr. Jordan said.

Small-business contracts officially totaled about $98 billion in 2010, so the financing cost that will be saved by halving payment time is some small percentage of that. “We don’t have a hard number, but it’s billions,” Mr. Jordan said. “But it’s single-digit billions.” For businesses with large contracts, in the range of $100 million, Mr. Jordan said the reduction in negative float could make a real difference in freeing up money for investments. “There are certain break-even points where the math definitely works on hiring new workers because of the savings.” Mr. Jordan, though, could not say immediately how many small businesses receive $100 million contracts.

There are other benefits, too, he added. Faster payment lessens the uncertainty in making those investments and reduces the transaction costs associated with financing production — the time spent tapping credit lines or paying them down.

So there you go.

QuickPay applies only to officially designated small-business contractors, not the behemoth corporations that do much government work. And the policy covers only prime contractors, those companies that deal directly with the government. But many small businesses also serve as subcontractors to other prime contractors, and Mr. Jordan acknowledged that subcontractors often have to wait to be paid for their work. (In fact, according to Washington Monthly, some major corporations have, as a matter of policy, extended payment times to small vendors to 60 or even 120 days.) Mr. Jordan said the administration had taken up the issue, but added in a subsequent e-mail that “expanding this to subcontractors is still an open question.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=5ed4ecfce61bdbaf40d73e49150d8f6c