May 4, 2024

Economic View: When a Co-Pay Gets in the Way of Health

We want patients to receive the best care available. We also want consumers to pay less. And we don’t want to bankrupt the government or private insurers. Something must give.

The debate centers on how to make these trade-offs, and who gets to make them. The stakes are high, and the choices are at times unseemly. No matter how necessary, putting human suffering into dollars and cents is not attractive work. It’s no surprise, then, that the conversation is so heated.

What is a surprise is that amid these complex issues, one policy sidesteps these trade-offs. A few drugs — such as beta-blockers, statins and glycogen control medications — have proved very effective at managing hypertension, heart disease, diabetes and strokes. Most insurance plans charge something for them. Why not make drugs like these free? Not for everyone, but just the groups for whom they are provably effective.

In traditional economics, such a policy creates waste. The basic principle is moral hazard: consumers overuse goods that are subsidized. This is why people fly in business class when they’re on an expense account but in economy when it’s on their own dime.

In health care, a doctor or patient might order an extra test casually, just because it’s free. This is inefficiency at its worst: from money spent on costly procedures to tests and medicines that provide little medical benefit, some actions are undertaken only because someone else picks up the check. To discourage this waste, insurance plans charge co-payments. The logic is simple: if patients face costs, they will think more carefully about the benefits.

But people don’t always follow a cost-benefit logic. Consider a patient recovering from a heart attack. A small cocktail of drugs may cost a trivial amount — say, $5 — yet it reduces the risk of subsequent heart disease mortality by as much as 80 percent. That’s a good deal, but as many as 50 percent of people fail to take these medications regularly.

The problem is basic human psychology. Heart disease is silent, with few noticeable symptoms. You feel fine most of the time, so it’s all too easy to justify skipping the statin.

The problem here is the exact opposite of moral hazard. People are not overusing ineffective drugs; they are underusing highly effective ones. This is a quandary that two colleagues — Katherine Baicker, a professor of health economics at Harvard, and Josh Schwartzstein, a professor of economics at Dartmouth — and I call “behavioral hazard.”

We’ve found that co-payments do not resolve behavioral hazard. They make it worse. They reduce the use of a drug that is already underused.

A recent experiment by a team led by Niteesh Choudhry, a professor of medicine at Harvard, quantifies the problem. The experiment involved nearly 6,000 patients who had just suffered a heart attack, and were prescribed drugs known to reduce the chance of another one — statins, beta-blockers, angiotensin-converting-enzyme inhibitors or angiotensin-receptor blockers. Half had their co-pays for these drugs waived; the other half paid the usual fee.

As expected, more people in the zero co-pay group took the drugs, and their health improved. Those in the zero co-pay group were 31 percent less likely to have a stroke, 11 percent less likely to have another major “vascular episode” and 16 percent less likely to have a myocardial infarction or unstable angina. None of these benefits came at a net monetary cost. The insurers did not spend more in total. By some measures, they spent less.

Behavioral hazard affects all of the drugs listed above. They are all highly effective, and yet adherence to taking them is a problem. This is a major financial issue. The New England Healthcare Institute has estimated that solving non-adherence could save $290 billion a year, or 13 percent of total annual medical spending in the United States. A number this large is surely open to quibbling, but divide it by 10 and it is still a large figure.

I’m not proposing to make all health care free, or arguing for a return to so-called Cadillac health plans. Moral hazard is all too real for many treatments, and in some cases, behavioral hazard reinforces it. Just as people underrespond to inconspicuous symptoms, they can also overrespond to highly noticeable ones. People may seek too much care for back pain, for example, resorting to ineffective or possibly even harmful treatments. Behavioral hazard suggests that we need even larger co-payments for these overused drugs.

My proposal is targeted: Take drugs that are shown to be of very high benefit to some people, and make those drugs free for them.

It’s a simple policy change, and it isn’t meant as a complete solution.

First, researchers like A. Mark Fendrick, a professor of internal medicine at the University of Michigan, and Michael Chernew, now a professor of health care policy at Harvard, argue eloquently for what they call “value based” health insurance. All co-pays should depend on measured medical value; high co-pays should be reserved for drugs and medical services that have little proven value.

Second, some people will neglect to take their medications even if co-pays are zero. This proved true even in the Choudhry study.

Fully solving this problem requires more creativity. GlowCaps, for example, are high-tech tops for pill bottles. They beep and text you if you forget to take your medication. In another approach, Kevin Volpp, a professor of medicine and health care management at the University of Pennsylvania, and his colleagues use lotteries, giving people a chance to win only if they take their medications.

FINALLY, some will suggest that focusing on drug adherence is like closing the barn door. Why not focus instead on the behaviors — eating unhealthy foods or shunning exercise — that created the conditions we must now treat with drugs?

Each of these points has some merit. But they fail the “perfect as the enemy of the good” test. Sure, we should do more. But meanwhile, why continue to charge the same co-pay for statins and beta-blockers as we do for Viagra? At the very least, we need to experiment more with this policy.

Sendhil Mullainathan is a professor of economics at Harvard.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/11/business/when-a-co-pay-gets-in-the-way-of-health.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Tentative Deal Reported in Chinese Censorship Dispute

“The paper is coming out tomorrow, and the propaganda department is going to hold a meeting with staff about this tomorrow,” said the journalist, who spoke Wednesday on the condition of anonymity. Several other reporters said that details of the agreement remained murky Wednesday morning, and that the deal could fall apart.

Protests over censorship at Southern Weekend, one of China’s most liberal newspapers, had descended into ideological confrontation on Tuesday, pitting advocates of free speech against supporters of Communist Party control, who wielded red flags and portraits of Mao Zedong.

The face-off outside the headquarters of the company that publishes Southern Weekend came after disgruntled editors and reporters at the paper last week deplored what they called crude meddling by the top propaganda official in Guangdong Province, which has long had a reputation as a bastion of a relatively free press.

With a number of celebrities and business leaders rallying online to the liberal cause, senior propaganda officials in Beijing began this week to roll out a national strategy of demonizing the rebel journalists and their supporters. The Central Propaganda Department issued a directive to news organizations saying the defiant outburst at Southern Weekend, also known as Southern Weekly, had involved “hostile foreign forces.”

The order, translated by China Digital Times, a research group at the University of California, Berkeley, that studies Chinese news media, said that Chinese journalists must drop their support of Southern Weekend and insisted that “party control of the media is an unwavering basic principle.”

An editor at a party news organization said the term “hostile forces” had been used in an internal discussion with a senior editor about the Southern Weekend conflict. Several Chinese journalists outside Guangdong said Tuesday that a call by Southern Weekend reporters and editors for the dismissal of Tuo Zhen, the top provincial propaganda official, who took up his post in May, was probably too radical for higher authorities to accept.

The protesting journalists at Southern Weekend blame Mr. Tuo, a former journalist, for ordering a drastic change in a New Year’s editorial that had originally called for greater respect for constitutional rights. The revised editorial instead praised party policies. Mr. Tuo has not commented on the accusation.

Early Wednesday, there was online chatter among Chinese journalists that Dai Zigeng, the publisher of The Beijing News, had balked at an order from the Central Propaganda Department to print an editorial attacking Southern Weekend. A truncated version ran on Wednesday deep inside the paper, and several Beijing News reporters confirmed that Mr. Dai had been uncomfortable with it.

A former editor for the Nanfang Media Group, which includes Southern Weekend, said provincial propaganda officials and disgruntled journalists talked Tuesday in Guangzhou. The talks focused on the journalists’ demands for an inquiry into the New Year’s episode and for the newspaper’s managers to rescind a statement that absolved Mr. Tuo of responsibility for the editorial.

“They want that statement to be removed, and they also want assurances about relaxing controls on journalists — not removing party oversight, but making it more reasonable, allowing reporters to challenge officials,” the editor said. “The other main demand is for an impartial explanation of what happened, an accounting so it won’t happen again.”

Senior Chinese officials have not commented publicly on the censorship dispute at the paper, which could test how far the recently appointed Communist Party leader, Xi Jinping, will go in support of more open economic and political policies.

“I don’t believe that Xi is totally hypocritical when he talks about reform,” said Chen Min, a prominent opinion writer for Southern Weekend who was forced out of the newspaper in 2011 during a party-led crackdown on potential dissent.

Defenders of Communist orthodoxy turned up at the newspaper headquarters on Tuesday to make the case for firm party control of the media.

“We support the Communist Party. Shut down the traitor newspaper,” said a cardboard sign held up by one of 10 or so conservative demonstrators.

“Southern Weekend has an American dream,” another sign said. “We don’t want the American dream. We want the Chinese dream.”

Most of the party supporters refused to give their names. One who did, Yang Xingfa, 50, from Hunan Province, said: “Southern Weekend belongs to the people. However, the paper always ignores the achievements of the Chinese Communist Party and asks why China isn’t more like the United States. Outrageous!”

The participants said they had come on their own initiative.

The dueling protests outside the newspaper headquarters reflected the political passions and tensions raised by the quarrel over censorship. Finding a resolution to the standoff poses a challenge both to the central authorities and to Hu Chunhua, the new party chief of Guangdong and a potential candidate to succeed Mr. Xi in a decade.

Hundreds of bystanders watched and took photos on cellphones as the party supporters shouted at the 20 or more protesters who had gathered to denounce censorship, and shoving matches broke out.

One defender of the Southern Weekend journalists was Liang Taiping, 28, a poet who wore a Guy Fawkes mask popularized by “V for Vendetta,” the Hollywood movie and British comic book. Mr. Liang said he had bought the mask after watching the movie recently on state-run China Central Television, which had surprised many Chinese with its willingness to show the film uncut, since the film advocates the overthrow of a one-party dictatorship.

“It’s the only newspaper in China that’s willing to tell the truth,” said Mr. Liang, who added that he had traveled by train about 350 miles from the southern city of Changsha. “What’s the point of living if you can’t even speak freely?”

Edward Wong reported from Guangzhou, and Chris Buckley from Hong Kong. Jonah M. Kessel contributed reporting from Guangzhou, and Jonathan Ansfield from Beijing. Mia Li contributed research from Guangzhou.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/09/world/asia/faceoff-in-chinese-city-over-censorship-of-newspaper.html?partner=rss&emc=rss