May 19, 2024

Wal-Mart Benefits From Anger Over Banking Fees

Geoffrey Cardone, a 26-year-old factory worker, said he dumped his bank account because he felt that he was being nickeled and dimed by fees. His new payday ritual includes a trip to the Wal-Mart here in northeastern Pennsylvania.

“It’s cheaper,” said Mr. Cardone, who was charged a flat fee of $3 to cash his paycheck. Many check-cashing stores keep a percentage of the check, which tends to be higher.

The Wal-Mart here has a clerk in a brightly painted Money Center near the entrance, like more than 1,000 other Wal-Marts across the country. Customers can cash work and government checks, pay bills, wire money overseas or load money on to a prepaid debit card. At most Wal-Marts without dedicated Money Centers, the financial services are available at the customer service desks or kiosks.

Four years ago, Wal-Mart abandoned its plans to obtain a long-sought federal bank charter amid opposition from the banking industry and lawmakers, who feared the huge retailer would drive small bankers out of business and potentially conflate its banking and retail operations. Ever since, Wal-Mart has been quietly building up à la carte financial services, becoming a force among the unbanked and “unhappily banked,” as one Wal-Mart executive put it.

Even before the recent outcry against banks, the services had become popular with cash-poor customers, many of whom never had a bank account and found the services more affordable than traditional check-cashing operations. Now newcomers to the ranks of the banking disaffected are helping to swell the numbers, Wal-Mart officials said.

The run from banks is happening elsewhere, too. In the last four weeks, as anger over debit card fees festered, more than 650,000 customers signed up for credit unions, according to the Credit Union National Association. The association was still tallying how many additional consumers had signed up on Bank Transfer Day, an initiative on Saturday to abandon traditional banks organized by people associated with Occupy Wall Street.

“We have a tremendous opportunity ahead of us, and it’s largely due to what you’re seeing around us happen in the industry,” said Daniel Eckert, the head of Wal-Mart Financial Services. “We’re not a bank, but we can serve a lot of types of functions you would see someone go into a bank for.”

Wal-Mart says it has no intention of reviving its plans to become a full-blown bank that could make loans and accept federally insured deposits. But the retailer has obtained bank charters in both Mexico and Canada, leading some bankers to suggest the company is laying similar groundwork in this country.

”It’s the proverbial camel’s nose under the tent,” said Terry J. Jorde, senior executive vice president at the Independent Community Bankers Association. “Once they get in and offer some financial services, they will continue to push for other products.”

Wal-Mart said it was simply offering financial products for less than its competitors, much the same way it does for underwear, detergent and milk. Wal-Mart does not produce the financial products, but sells them on behalf of financial firms. In doing so, the retailer is able to avoid financial regulations and, because of its size, offer steep discounts.

For instance, it offers prepaid debit cards via the Green Dot Corporation. The cards cost up to $4.95 to buy and $5.95 a month to maintain at other retailers, while at Wal-Mart they cost $3 to buy and $3 a month to maintain.

Wal-Mart officials declined to provide details on how much money it makes from financial services, or how many customers it serves. However, company officials and outsiders both said Wal-Mart’s financial products are gaining share.

“It is a big focus,” said Tien-tsin Huang, an analyst at J.P. Morgan. “They’ve invested in these Money Centers, and they’ve been very, very successful; they’ve all adopted the low-cost, low-prices model, and I think it’s brought in a lot of traffic that they normally wouldn’t see, meaning the lower-end demographics that typically use check-cashing services at rival stores.”

He added, “It’s clearly growing a lot faster than what we normally see for check cashers.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=74034dd86d75af24682a767bd3132ee0

Regulators Defend Extra Capital Buffer for Banks

The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision and the Financial Stability Board said their joint study group estimated that a one percentage point buffer on the top 30 banks over eight years would cut economic growth by less than 0.01 percent a year during the phase-in period, but “the benefits from reducing the risk of damaging financial crises will be substantial.”

Both bodies have approved the bank capital surcharge plan that leaders of the world’s top 20 economies are set to endorse in November.

A surcharge of 1 to 2.5 percent — the amount depending on five factors like complexity and international reach — will be introduced from 2016 over three years. Banks including JPMorgan Chase, HSBC, Barclays and Deutsche Bank are almost certain to be included.

The surcharge comes on top of a minimum of 7 percent capital buffers that all banks must hold under the global Basel III accord being phased in from 2013.

The aim is to avoid taxpayers’ having to bail out banks again in the next crisis. It is part of a wider effort to tackle “too big to fail” lenders by ending market assumptions that governments will not allow them to collapse.

JPMorgan Chase’s chief executive, Jamie Dimon, has described the surcharge as anti-American and has clashed with the Bank of Canada governor, Mark Carney, who will take over at the Financial Stability Board in November. The banking industry warns that piling capital requirements on lenders will crimp their ability to aid growth, but regulators say banks fail to calculate the benefits of tougher standards.

The two bodies estimated that the Basel III proposal combined with the capital surcharge “contribute a permanent annual benefit of up to 2.5 percent of G.D.P. — many times the costs of the reforms in terms of temporarily slower annual growth.”

The Basel III rules and surcharge combined will lower economic growth by an estimated 0.34 percent at the point of peak impact, the regulators said.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=ed37f0933da9ffefaa41ccbf73851164

Letters: Too Many Rules for Home Loans, or Too Few?

To the Editor:

Re “Some Bankers Never Learn” (Fair Game, July 31), which described the mortgage banking industry’s opposition to a proposed rule that aims to reduce the number of risky loans in the wake of the subprime debacle:

I was touched by the warnings from the Mortgage Bankers Association president, David Stevens, regarding the proposed requirements for down payments and debt-to-income ratios in order for a home loan to be considered of high quality. He called such requirements “unnecessary and not worth the societal costs of excluding far too many qualified borrowers from the most affordable mortgage loans to achieve homeownership.”

But I say this: Let the mortgage bankers make loans without down-payment and ratio minimums out of their own money, not mine. Peter A. Amster

Milwaukee, Aug. 1

To the Editor:

The answer to housing’s ills is not to overregulate the mortgage process and make it harder for working families to buy homes. The fact that alliances of civil rights, real estate, labor, mortgage, consumer advocacy groups and lawmakers have taken a stand against the proposed Qualified Residential Mortgage rule should be checkpoint enough.  

The column did not mention the damage that the rule  would do  to homeownership for the masses. The rule, which would require the safest loans to have a 20  percent down payment, would exclude many first-time homebuyers, many of whom are Latino. Indeed, minorities have suffered great losses. But making it impossible for minority buyers to achieve homeownership would add insult to injury. 

We need a housing system that makes homeownership safe, attainable and sustainable. Throwing the baby out with the bathwater makes no sense. Attracting new homeowners back into neighborhoods is key to healing America. Carmen Mercado

Farmingville, N.Y., Aug. 1

The writer is president of the National Association of Hispanic Real Estate Professionals.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=58caf98181955ee039728c58bf7f13ec

News Analysis: Propping Up Banks, as Well as Greece

FRANKFURT — Europe’s latest plan to prop up Greece seems, on closer examination, to look suspiciously like a plan to bolster European banks.

By agreeing to contribute a relatively modest amount to the rescue, the banking industry is getting something more valuable in return, analysts say. The industry is unloading much of its Greek risk onto the European Union and helping to quash fears that the sovereign debt crisis could morph into a second financial crisis.

The agreement reached in Brussels last week may anger anyone who thinks that banks have already gotten enough taxpayer favors. But the European sovereign debt crisis has always been as much about banks as it has been about Greece. If the deal helps restore confidence, weaker institutions would be able to borrow on money markets again, so they no longer would be dependent on the European Central Bank for financing.

“I think this is a good use of resources,” said Carl B. Weinberg, chief economist at High Frequency Economics in Valhalla, New York. “This prevents the hit from becoming so large that it paralyzes the banking system.”

The irony, of course, is that Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany went to Brussels last week vowing to make banks pay their share of the cost of aiding Greece. She inadvertently seems to have done them a favor instead.

The plan agreed to by Ms. Merkel and other leaders calls for banks to voluntarily swap some of their Greek bonds for more solid paper backed by collateral. Though the swap is technically voluntary, Moody’s Investors Service warned Monday that such action would be considered a default by Greece. Moody’s also downgraded Greece another three notches to just one level above a default grade.

But Moody’s also said that the plan would benefit Europe “by containing the contagion risk that would likely have followed a disorderly payment default on existing Greek debt.”

The debt swap endorsed by European leaders last Thursday will cost banks and other investors €54 billion, or nearly $78 billion, according to estimates by the Institute of International Finance, the industry group that represented banks and insurance companies in negotiations with European governments.

That sounds like a lot of money, but as Mr. Weinberg pointed out, a week ago banks were staring at the possibility that Greece would slide into a disorderly default, with losses in the range of €200 billion, not to mention untold collateral damage.

“Compared to a €200 billion hit, this looks to me like a really good deal,” Mr. Weinberg said. In any case, he said, the cost to banks could turn out to be much lower than €54 billion.

Financial institutions still have substantial exposure to Greece, said Charles H. Dallara, managing director of the Institute of International Finance, who played a key role in the negotiations. The organization estimates that private-sector bond investors still have €200 billion at risk in the form of future interest payments by Greece. In addition, only about one-third of the new paper that Greece creditors will get is backed by collateral, Mr. Dallara said.

Still, he agreed that the deal will help Greece’s problems from infecting banks.

“This has really injected a new stability into the European financial landscape which had certainly been lacking in the past week,” Mr. Dallara said by telephone. He noted that the Brussels agreement came only a week after European regulators had compelled banks to detail their exposure to Greek bonds, an event which also helped clear up doubts about where the risk was buried.

European bank shares rallied late last week as investors appeared to agree that institutions emerged stronger from the Brussels talks. Bank shares fell Monday, but the decline seemed to be driven more by worries about political deadlock in the U.S. budget process than about Europe.

A key test will come on Tuesday when the European Central Bank discloses demand for one-week loans from banks in the euro zone. The amount spiked last week, a sign that many banks were having trouble borrowing money from other banks.

If demand falls Tuesday and in coming weeks, it would be a sign that tensions are easing.

“Banks are suspicious of each other because they don’t know who is holding the bag,” Mr. Weinberg said.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/26/business/global/propping-up-banks-as-well-as-greece.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

DealBook: Two Views on Bank Rules: Salvation and Jobkillers

Jamie Dimon is frustrated.

In a surprisingly public demonstration of his aggravation, Mr. Dimon, the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, unloaded last week on Ben Bernanke, the chairman of the Federal Reserve, critically questioning the government’s efforts to regulate the banking industry.

“I have this great fear that someone’s going to write a book in 10 or 20 years, and the book is going to talk about all the things that we did in the middle of a crisis that actually slowed down recovery,” he told Mr. Bernanke at a televised meeting of bankers in Atlanta, ticking off a laundry list of new regulations like higher capital requirements and a tax on systemically important financial institutions.

“Do you have a fear like I do that when we will look back and look at them all, that they will be the reason it took so long” for our banks, our credit and our businesses and “most importantly job creation” to get going again?, he asked Mr. Bernanke. “Is this holding us back?”

His question, which was quickly cheered by traders on Wall Street, was dismissed by some in Washington and on Main Street as self-serving propaganda from a chief executive seeking less regulation and higher profits.

“I see a lot of amnesia setting in now,” Sheila Bair, the chairwoman of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, told me during a conversation at the Council on Foreign Relations two days after Mr. Dimon’s comments. “On obvious things like higher capital standards, I say full speed ahead and the higher the better.” Making a veiled dig at Mr. Dimon, she added, “banks are not doing a lot of lending now, and the ones that are doing the better job of lending are the smaller institutions that have the higher capital levels.”

Nearly three years after the collapse of Lehman Brothers, the prevailing wisdom is that we need tighter regulations to avoid another crisis. It’s a popular view, one that this column has long supported. After all, if we don’t adopt tougher standards now, then when?

I called Mr. Dimon, in part, to challenge his view. But I was somewhat taken aback by his response, which was far more nuanced than his seeming diatribe to the Fed chairman.

“My point wasn’t that we shouldn’t regulate the industry,” he said. “But we should think twice about how exactly we’re doing it and the cumulative impact of the changes if the main goal is to help create jobs.”

The more restrictions put on banks, he said, the less lending and financing of businesses that will take place. To him, it’s simple arithmetic.

“I want job growth like everybody else,” he said. The problem, he contends is “we’re trying to do two very different things at the same time,” referring to regulating the industry and stimulating the economy.

“I would stop trying to solve every perceived problem at once,” he added. “The highest and most important thing we can do right now is to get the economy growing and adding jobs.”

It’s easy to dismiss Mr. Dimon as another banker crying wolf. His firm has vigorously lobbied to prevent the Federal Reserve from raising capital ratios to 10 percent from 7 percent, fearful it will crimp lending — and probably profits (and yes, compensation.)

But it’s also an uncomfortable truth that Mr. Dimon should be taken seriously, at least his suggestion that policy makers can’t predict the full impact of the coming regulation.

“Jamie Dimon is right that it only makes sense to look at the effects of financial regulation holistically,” said Kenneth S. Rogoff, an economics professor at Harvard University, and the co-author of “This Time is Different,” which looked at financial crises over several centuries.

When Mr. Bernanke answered Mr. Dimon’s question, he said, “Has anybody done a comprehensive analysis of the impact on credit? I can’t pretend that anybody really has. You know, it’s just too complicated. We don’t really have the quantitative tools to do that.”

That was an unsatisfying answer and an uncomfortable truth, too.

Indeed, Mr. Dimon may be right: Strict regulation could hamper the recovery in the short term.

But his comments also raise a larger policy and political question: Can we afford to risk another collapse of the financial system — even if it doesn’t happen for another 100 years — by going lighter on regulation today? It’s an idea, by the way, that is very hard for regular Joes to swallow.

Mr. Rogoff, whom Mr. Dimon has often cited, isn’t so sure it is that black and white.

“My instinct is that the Fed must be right to push for raising capital requirements from 7 to 10 percent,” Mr. Rogoff said. “Switzerland has already committed to the higher capital route and rather than hurting their banks, it might even have given them a competitive advantage, especially given the dodgy state of many European bank balance sheets.”

Other academic studies have come to similar conclusions. Anat R. Admati of Stanford University wrote a compelling report, “Fallacies, Irrelevant Facts and Myths in the Discussion of Capital Regulation: Why Bank Equity is Not Expensive” that suggests that raising capital requirements is not as dangerous or costly as some on Wall Street believe.

Still, Mr. Rogoff acknowledged, “I don’t see a big need to rush to raise capital requirements. If history tells us anything, it is that having a deep financial crisis is the best vaccine against having another one, at least for awhile.”

In a perfect, less politicized world, perhaps we could follow Mr. Dimon’s advice and wait to increase regulation until the economy is on steadier footing. (It’s worth noting that most of the Fed’s proposed rules and requirements already would be phased in over time.)

But will bankers — or even regulators and lawmakers — think the industry needs new rules when the economy and the job market are in full-on growth mode?

After all, the financial system only gets tested in times of crisis — at which point regulation comes too late.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=ccafa7fad1e9d069a72553259c01248d

Foreclosure Aid Fell Short, and Is Fading

Officials unveiled a $1 billion program to offer loans to help the jobless pay their mortgages until they could find work again. It was supposed to take effect before the end of the year, but as of today, the program has yet to accept any applications.

“We wait and wait, and they keep saying it’s coming,” said James Tyson, 50, a Philadelphia homeowner who lost his job a year ago.

That could be an epitaph for the administration’s broader foreclosure prevention effort, as tens of billions of dollars remain unspent and hundreds of thousands of homeowners have been rejected. Now the existence of the main program, the Home Assistance Modification Program, is in doubt.

Saying it is a waste of money, the Republican-controlled House voted on Tuesday night to kill the foreclosure relief program. The Senate, which the Democrats control, will pursue a rescue. But Democrats, too, consider the program badly flawed.

The effort has failed to stanch a wave of foreclosures and a decline in home prices, which have fallen for six consecutive months and are now just barely above their recession low, according to a key index updated on Tuesday. All of this threatens the fragile economy, which is also being buffeted by foreign crises.

“The banking industry fought us tooth and nail, and we ended up with a program that is failing homeowners,” said Representative Zoe Lofgren, a Democrat from California. “The administration doesn’t give us real enforcement or answers; we just get the old yokey-doke.”

Yet the need remains great. There were 225,000 foreclosure filings in February, according to RealtyTrac. About 145,000 homeowners are in trial modifications under the Obama program. An examination of federal documents and lawsuits, and interviews with legislators, state attorneys general, housing counselors, homeowners and regulators, reveal a federal mortgage modification program crippled by weak oversight, conflicts of interest, mind-numbing complexity and poor performance by many participating banks.

For example:

¶Congress set aside $50 billion for foreclosure prevention, amid administration projections that three million to four million homeowners would benefit from modifications. So far, the Treasury Department, which oversees the program, has spent slightly more than $1 billion, and just 607,000 homeowners have received permanent loan modifications (of those, 11 percent have defaulted).

¶The companies that service mortgages, typically large banks, continually lose homeowner paperwork and incorrectly tell homeowners that they must be delinquent to qualify.

¶Treasury officials have not fined any servicers, and the government-controlled company hired by the Treasury to oversee the program has expressed reluctance to crack down on banks.

Interviews with a dozen homeowner applicants in four states reveal a familiar pattern: Banks deny many who, by income and credit scores, appear to qualify. And homeowners end up weighed down by legal fees and facing foreclosure.

“I call constantly, they lose all my paperwork, and the same guy never gets on the phone,” said Ada Caceres, 53, who owns a modest home in Staten Island.

Ms. Caceres has struggled to make mortgage payments since her hours as a bartender were cut. She applied for relief, and her bank, JPMorgan Chase, twice granted temporary modifications. She made every payment.

Last August, Chase promised a permanent modification. Then it rescinded the offer, documents show.

“I love my house,” said Ms. Caceres, who is still negotiating. “It’s a good neighborhood. But oh my God, you want to just give up.”

Homeowners can appeal denials, but the odds are not in their favor, says the program’s inspector general. A first step is a hot line providing counseling, from an agency created by mortgage servicers.

Treasury officials argue that the mortgage program has kept more than half a million American homeowners out of foreclosure and has pressured banks to offer in-house modifications. These private modifications, however, typically offer terms significantly less favorable to homeowners than what the government program offers.

Michael S. Barr, who was a top Treasury official involved with the program, says the Obama administration sought to help homeowners and encourage banks even as it protected taxpayers.

“We tried to bring some order out of the chaos,” said Mr. Barr, now a University of Michigan law professor. “Taxpayer money was only used for successful modifications. I think that was directionally the right thing to do.”

Trouble at the Start

In the winter of 2009, the Obama administration’s urgency to address foreclosures was palpable. Hundreds of thousands of families had lost homes, and in towns from Florida to California to Nevada, foreclosure slums took root, marked by boarded-up homes and uncut grass.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=ce0ecdb64a895772994dc887bfecf330