May 1, 2024

Oil Regulator in Indonesia Arrested in Bribery Investigation

Rudi Rubiandini, a former deputy energy minister who took over the oil and gas regulatory authority in January, was being detained for questioning by the anticorruption agency, known as the KPK, after being arrested Tuesday night following a raid on his home, said Elan Biantoro, a spokesman for the regulatory authority.

“They are still questioning him and we don’t know the progress,” the spokesman said. “The KPK came to our offices this morning and sealed off Mr. Rudi’s private office.”

On Tuesday evening, investigators went to Mr. Rudi’s house in South Jakarta and found him with $700,000 in cash, Johan Budi, a spokesman for the anticorruption commission, told reporters. Two men later identified as representatives of Kernel Oil, an oil trading company, were at Mr. Rudi’s home at the time of the raid and were also arrested, he said.

Mr. Elan said the oil and gas regulatory body had no official relationship with Kernel, as it is a foreign trading company and not involved in oil exploration or production in Indonesia. A person who answered the phone at Kernel’s office in Singapore refused to comment or forward any calls.

The arrest is the latest in a series of problems that have increased uncertainties for foreign investors in Indonesia, which is hoping to bolster oil production, which has plummeted during the past decade.

Last November, Indonesia’s constitutional court shocked the energy industry by dissolving the oil and gas regulatory authority’s predecessor, known as BP Migas, which was an independent state body, after a legal challenge by people connected with Islamic-based political parties. The ruling came as Indonesian lawmakers were calling on the government not to renew expiring oil production-sharing contracts with foreign energy companies. The current regulatory body, known officially as the Special Task Force for Upstream Oil and Gas Business Activities, or SKK Migas, was created to replace BP Migas.

Last month, an anticorruption court sentenced three Indonesian employees of Chevron, a leading oil producer in Indonesia, to two-year prison terms for graft in a case that analysts said could lead to the future criminalization of civil disputes in the energy sector.

“All of these issues are creating a lot of noise and dissonance for investors,” said Andrew White, executive director of the American Chamber of Commerce in Indonesia. “Whatever the facts may be, a narrative is unfolding in Indonesia that it’s becoming more difficult to invest here.”

Indonesia relies increasingly on the technical expertise and investment dollars of multinational energy companies for future exploration because most of its untapped oil reserves are in deepwater areas in the eastern part of the archipelago.

However, there has been growing uncertainty among foreign investors over bureaucratic red tape for permits, overlapping regulations and an increase in anti-foreign sentiment in the energy sector. Those concerns have been followed, more recently, by legal uncertainty about production-sharing contracts because of the Chevron case.

Oil and gas account for about 8 percent of Indonesia’s gross domestic product and 28 percent of state budget revenue, according to the Indonesia Petroleum Association.

But oil production has steadily dropped over the last decade to less than 900,000 a day at present from 1.4 million barrels in 2000, according to the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, which prompted Indonesia to give up its membership in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries in 2008 after it became a net oil importer.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/15/business/energy-environment/oil-regulator-in-indonesia-arrested-in-bribery-investigation.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Justice Dept. Issues Guidance on Foreign Bribes

WASHINGTON — With billions of dollars in potential fines and foreign investment in the balance, the Justice Department and the Securities and Exchange Commission on Wednesday released long-awaited guidance on how prosecutors interpret and enforce a federal anticorruption law that bans American businesses from bribing officials overseas.

The 120-page “resource guide” to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act lays out the government’s understanding of and standard practices for the 1977 law. The statute sat largely dormant for decades, but a recent explosion of enforcement has struck terror into corporate boardrooms, leading to large fees for compliance lawyers and enormous fines and settlements paid to the government.

The detailed guidance — including numerous case studies illustrating what would and would not be considered a violation of the law — is particularly important because cases of foreign corrupt practices rarely get adjudicated. Corporations are generally inclined to settle potential cases without a trial because being indicted can cripple a business.

As a result, judges rarely weigh in on whether prosecutors’ interpretation of the statute in ambiguous scenarios — such as when an employee of a state-owned enterprise, like a utility, should be considered a “foreign official” and therefore covered by the law — is accurate.

The guide — signed by Lanny A. Breuer, the assistant attorney general for the Justice Department’s criminal division, and Robert S. Khuzami, the director of enforcement for the S.E.C. — lays out a series of factors in considering who counts as a foreign official. Among the factors, for example, is whether a foreign government controls an entity, like a utility, or has only a minority stake in it.

It also discusses gift-giving at length, and addresses when gifts to an overseas charity — or travel and entertainment provided to foreign officials who may be considering issuing a contract to a business — amount to a bribe.

For example, the guidance says that it would not violate the statute if a company provided foreign officials, like employees of a state-owned electricity commission, promotional T-shirts at a trade show, picked up a bar tab or bought “a moderately priced crystal vase” as a wedding gift. There would also be no violation if the company paid for the foreign visitors’ travel to a city in the United States where the company has facilities, including taking them to a baseball game or the theater.

However, it says, it would violate the law to pay for foreign officials and their spouses to travel to a city like Las Vegas or Paris if the company has no significant facilities there. That would display a “corrupt intent” to curry favor with the officials because “the trip does not appear to be designed for any legitimate business purpose” and “is extravagant.”

    “The fight against corruption is a law enforcement priority of the United States,” Mr. Breuer said in a statement. Enforcement of the statute “is critical to protecting the integrity of markets for American companies doing business abroad, and we will continue to make clear that bribing foreign officials is not an acceptable shortcut.”

Mr. Khuzami added: “Investors must have faith that the economic performance of public companies reflects lawful considerations of markets, price and product rather than a mirage resulting from bribery and corruption.” 

Paul E. Pelletier, a former Justice Department prosecutor who worked on Foreign Corrupt Practices Act investigations, said the guidance was unlikely to be “groundbreaking” for lawyers who already specialize in the law in terms of “providing bright lines that don’t already exist,” but would be “important and useful” for in-house lawyers at companies.

“I think it’s important because people want it and it provides one-stop shopping,” he said. “It’s going to give us good boundaries as to what the government’s present view is as to certain issues, and that’s always good and helpful. And it’s going to raise the profile of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act even more.”

Congress enacted the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act as part of a series of reforms after the Watergate scandal. For its first few decades, prosecutors rarely invoked the statute. But in recent years, enforcement has soared, from just two actions in 2004 to 48 in 2010.

The change dates to the collapse of Enron a decade ago. It led to tougher financial laws, like requiring top executives at publicly traded companies to certify that their firms’ books were accurate, which in turn forced them to pay closer attention to payments made overseas. The 2010 Dodd-Frank law further ratcheted up pressure by giving corporate whistle-blowers a financial incentive to report violations.

Against that backdrop, beginning with the Justice Department in the George W. Bush administration, prosecutors began developing more expansive theories about the type of graft that the statute covered. The department and the S.E.C. also began driving up fines by requiring companies to disgorge profits as a condition of settling cases without an indictment, driving up fines to record levels, including $800 million paid by Siemens in 2008.

Businesses have called for greater clarity, complaining that the law is being stretched beyond its intent and that it is not clear what conduct is now considered off limits; the guidance is expected to be closely analyzed by corporate lawyers who help firms comply with the law and respond when a violation is uncovered.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/15/business/justice-dept-issues-guidance-on-foreign-bribes.html?partner=rss&emc=rss