November 22, 2024

Today’s Economist: Nancy Folbre: The Underpopulation Bomb

Nancy Folbre, economist at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

Nancy Folbre is an economics professor at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. She recently edited and contributed to “For Love and Money: Care Provision in the United States.

The birth dearth/empty cradle/baby bust is upon us, threatening consequences just as dire as the overpopulation bomb that Paul Ehrlich predicted would cause mass global starvation in the 1970s. The growing percentage of elderly in the population, the root cause of many of our problems, will soon render the United States economically feeble.

Today’s Economist

Perspectives from expert contributors.

This dire prophecy of underpopulation has gradually made its way from the pages of Foreign Policy to The New York Times and, most recently, The Wall Street Journal. The alarmist fear-mongering is no better founded than Paul Ehrlich’s earlier panic.

Oddly, both sides of the humans-as-bombs debate share certain assumptions. Both seem terrified by the costs of caring for human dependents, whether young or old, describing them as a threat to economic welfare.

Both seem convinced that demography is destiny – that if we just raised the correct number of children, our problems would be solved.

Both typically blame the state for interfering with the relationship between the family and the economy, either subsidizing too many births through public assistance or providing social insurance to the elderly, making them less dependent on their own children for support in old age.

All three assumptions are staggeringly wrong.

Critics of the standard measure of gross domestic product (myself included) have long pointed out that it includes only the value of goods and services purchased in the market. Reducing the dependency “burden” would free time and money to spend on other things. Yet most of us place enormous value on our commitments to family members, friends, neighbors and fellow citizens, whatever their age. Otherwise (my inner economist urges me to add) why would we spend so much time and money on them?

Fertility decline is not some precipitous event. Under way for more than 150 years in the United States and many other parts of the world, it began long before the advent of modern birth-control methods or the so-called welfare state. Potential for young adults to migrate to new areas, along with the growth of wage employment, increased the economic independence of the younger generation and weakened family-based farms and enterprises. The gradual empowerment of women gave them more voice in marriage and family-size decisions.

Recent changes in the average number of births per woman in the United States have been quite modest. As the demographer Philip Cohen points out, the average number of births per woman in the United States declined steeply in the early 1970s, rose in the 1980s and leveled out before heading back down when the 2007 recession hit.

Economic growth, improvements in public health and advances in medical technology, in concert with fertility decline, are increasing the share of elderly in the population. The elderly are more prone to disability than other groups, so this demographic shift will impose costs. But let’s not forget that improved life expectancy represents a huge gain in living standards. How much would you be willing to pay for an extra year of life?

Complaints about the graying of the population sometimes imply an inevitable loss of economic dynamism. But I know of no historical evidence that either the productivity or the creativity of a society is determined by the age structure of its population.

The interaction between demographic and economic change is so much more complex than the simplistic doomsday scenario implies. Some interesting – and not always optimistic – efforts to grapple with it can be found in an open-access special issue of Population and Development Review, recently published by the Population Council in honor of its retiring editor, Paul Demeny.

In retrospect, Mr. Demeny stands out as one of the first demographers to consider seriously the problems that below-replacement fertility poses for the sustainability of public and private pension systems. This is a far more specific and, in my view, more realistic concern than the others described above. It calls attention to the need to rethink some fundamental institutional arrangements that shape the distribution of the costs of caring for dependents.

Several articles in the special issue, including one I wrote with Douglas Wolf of Syracuse University, “The Intergenerational Welfare State,” point out that modern social-insurance systems have socialized some benefits of child-rearing by taxing the younger generation to help support the older one.

As I’ve pointed out in previous posts, both employers and those who devote relatively few resources to raising children are able to indirectly capture some future benefits from the labor power that committed parents nurture.

Yet public support for parents compensates them for only a small share of the costs they incur and outmoded institutional arrangements make it difficult for them to easily combine wage employment with care provision.

The uneven and partial socialization of family costs is probably not a major factor driving fertility decline, which unfolded in many countries – including India and South Korea – long before the establishment of public pensions.

In the absence of those pensions, individuals might choose to invest in private annuities for support in old age rather than in raising children, whose ability and willingness to help parents in old age would remain difficult to determine even if parents were given a strong legal claim on their earnings, as Mr. Demeny and others have proposed.

Regardless of its possible impact on family size decisions, the current distribution of the costs of children seems conspicuously unfair to parents, with particularly negative consequences for single mothers, whose access to good jobs and public retirement benefits remains limited.

Jonathan Last, in The Wall Street Journal, concludes his article on “America’s Baby Bust” with a simple plea for more babies. I conclude with a plea for public policies that could help parents raise healthier, happier children into ever more productive adults.

Article source: http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/02/11/the-underpopulation-bomb/?partner=rss&emc=rss

Today’s Economist: Nancy Folbre: A Real Right to Work

Nancy Folbre, economist at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

Nancy Folbre is an economics professor at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. She recently edited and contributed to “For Love and Money: Care Provision in the United States.

All Americans willing and able to work have a right to paid employment. If the private sector can’t generate sufficient jobs, the public sector should provide them.

Today’s Economist

Perspectives from expert contributors.

This definition of “right to work” obviously differs from the one that Republican legislators in Michigan deployed when they passed a new law absolving workers from the responsibility of paying union fees even if they gain contract benefits from them. But perhaps their actions will dramatize the need to challenge their framing and reclaim the genuine meaning of the phrase.

Most of us live in a world in which paid employment is the only avenue to economic self-sufficiency. Without it, families maintained by working-age adults are largely dependent on the kindness of strangers, otherwise known as extended unemployment insurance and food stamps. Yet, for more than four years, this nation has tolerated levels of unemployment that have essentially made it impossible for most of those seeking paid employment to find it, with a ratio of unemployed workers to job openings of more than three to one.

Some Republicans have long insisted that many of the jobless, relaxing in a billowy social safety net, simply aren’t trying hard enough to find a job. My fellow Economix contributor Casey Mulligan makes a similar argument when he contends that the poverty rate should have risen ­between 2007 and 2011, but didn’t ­because public assistance was neutralizing the effect of job loss and undermining incentives to work.


But Shawn Fremstad of the Center for Economic Policy and Research challenges that methodology, pointing to measurements showing that the poverty rate did rise significantly among working-age adults over this period.

Further, increased unemployment contributed to economic stress across most of the social spectrum, not just among the poor and near poor. Between 2007 and 2011, average household income declined in all four bottom quintiles.

Expansion of unemployment insurance and means-tested benefits are not the best solution to persistently high unemployment. As John Stuart Mill emphasized many years ago, those who are capable of supporting themselves should not rely on the habitual aid of others. But Mill went on to explain why such aid is sometimes necessary:

Energy and self-dependence are, however, liable to be impaired by the absence of help, as well as by its excess. It is even more fatal to exertion to have no hope of succeeding by it, than to be assured of succeeding without it. When the condition of any one is so disastrous that his energies are paralyzed by discouragement, assistance is a tonic, not a sedative: it braces instead of deadening the active faculties.

Paralysis by discouragement is a pretty good description of a growing segment of the United States population. In general, the higher the unemployment rate in a state, the higher the percentage of discouraged workers (those who did not search for work in the previous four weeks, for the specific reason that they believed no jobs were available for them) and the higher the percentage of marginally attached workers (those who did not search for work in the previous four weeks, for any reason).

Labor force participation has declined significantly since the last recession began, especially among less-educated men.

The best way to encourage American workers, increase family income and reduce public spending on unemployment insurance and food stamps is to create more jobs. The simplest way to create more jobs is to increase public-sector employment. The federal government could also invest in programs to encourage small businesses to hire workers to improve our aging physical infrastructure (including roads and bridges), our social infrastructure (including early childhood education and home services for the elderly) and our environmental sustainability (including improved energy efficiency and installation of the solar voltaic technologies that Germany now heavily relies upon).

All these investments offer a high social rate of return that private businesses can’t easily capture on their own.

By contrast, there is no evidence that lower tax rates for the rich promote either job creation or economic growth (a detailed study on this topic by the Congressional Research Service was withdrawn as a direct result of Republican protest).

President Obama and Congressional Democrats have called for more stimulus spending aimed at job creation, only to meet tremendous opposition from Republicans. Preoccupation with deficit reduction has crowded out discussion of job creation. Public employment grew steadily during the previous Bush administration. During the Obama administration, however, it has significantly declined.

Now, it appears that any remaining concern with job creation may be thrown over the fiscal cliff.

The next time someone with a comfortable paycheck tells you that American workers no longer have a work ethic, please explain to them that right now, there’s not enough paid work to go around.

Which is why we should fight for a real right to work.

Article source: http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/12/17/a-real-right-to-work/?partner=rss&emc=rss