April 29, 2024

It’s the Economy: What Nail-Polish Sales Tell Us About the Economy

Our current problem is that much of the world has shifted rapidly from consuming way more than it could afford to consuming far less. The subsequent whiplash has left many people (and, in some cases, entire countries) broke, unemployed and deeply pessimistic about the future. And while we can measure stock prices and bond rates, the key factor that determines consumption and, therefore, the health of the economy, lies in our psychology. Economists believe that what we feel about the state of the economy is best revealed not through what we say in surveys but rather through what we buy and exactly how much of it. There’s a lot of data available, though none come with a prepackaged psychological narrative attached. So analysts do the best they can, combing through our national shopping lists hoping to uncover clues. Sometimes they find remarkably helpful information in very unlikely places.

They also uncover plenty of cute facts that mean little. Consider this: 2011 was a banner year for the sale of insanely expensive fine wines at auction. Someone at a Christie’s auction in Hong Kong, for example, bought 12 bottles of 1985 Romanee-Conti for a bit more than $150,000, or about $600 per sip. And the grand lesson this teaches us about the overall economy is . . . absolutely nothing. There’s some meaning in this anecdote about how the superrich — especially the newly superrich in China — are doing far better than the rest of us. But that can’t help us figure out if we’re headed for a double dip, a stagnant decade or a sudden rebound.

To figure out what our buying behavior says about the U.S. economy’s future, we have to understand what’s going on in the middle class, the 50-percenters. And to figure this out, my colleagues and I at NPR’s “Planet Money” went searching for as many shopping-based indicators as we could find, hoping some would unlock a hidden story about what Americans are feeling and where the country is headed.

The results were mixed, but we did uncover some ominous signs. Lipstick sales used to go up when the economy went down, perhaps because women were searching for a cheap pick-me-up or an edge in a job interview. For reasons nobody quite understands, the lipstick indicator doesn’t hold up anymore, though nail-polish sales now seem to reflect the economy very clearly (albeit inversely). A rise in nail-polish sales indicates that we’re searching for bargain luxuries as the economy craters — and sales of nail polish are way up right now. Women’s underwear sales are down, which historically suggests intense frugality and more rough times ahead.

But we were encouraged by the number of optimistic indicators we uncovered. There is good news in cemetery-plot sales. They seem to have peaked a couple years ago when desperate families were unloading unused holes in the ground (though cremation numbers are rising). Sales of cardboard boxes, because everything from electronics to clothing is packaged in them, should also be a strong indicator of economic rejuvenation. (Current production — enough to paper over the entire state of Maryland — portends recovery.) Sales of men’s underwear, one of Alan Greenspan’s favorite metrics for predicting growth, are also up. Sales of cheap spirits, which soared during the worst of the recession (people need an affordable way to self-medicate), have now stabilized, meaning, at the very least, people can now afford better liquor.

Of all the indicators we looked at, one of the most consistently accurate was Champagne sales. The amount of French Champagne that Americans consume has predicted — with nearly 90 percent accuracy — the average American income one year later. Apparently, when we pop a Champagne cork, we know that good times are ahead (see chart). Champagne sales hurtled upward twice in recent history — at the peak of the Internet bubble in 1999 and during the heyday of the housing bubble in 2007. These were both followed by slowdowns as fewer people found reason to celebrate.

There are so many indicators to choose from that you could glean just about anything regarding our economic future. In fact, the most telling indicator appears to be the sheer number of indicators themselves. Americans now have so many seductive things they can buy that there are ample consumer options no matter what we feel. Partly as a result, savings — known in economics as deferred consumption — have fallen steadily for more than 30 years, from a high of nearly 12 percent of income. It kissed zero before a tiny uptick in the past couple years.

The decline of the savings rate is particularly troubling because it is consistent through busts and booms. During the fast growth of the late 1990s and mid-2000s, and the dark times that followed, people have been choosing to spend more and save less than ever before. Paradoxically, this happened just as pensions have been disappearing and life spans have been increasing. It suggests that Americans are so caught up in every short-term enthusiasm or agony that they haven’t thought enough about long-term fiscal health.

When the dust clears from the current crisis in a year or 2 or 10, it will probably become obvious that the recent decades were a giddy consumption mirage fueled, in part, by free-flowing foreign debt. The world won’t lend the United States money for nothing forever (though, downgrade aside, nobody has told the world that yet), and the country can’t keep buying a lot more from everyone else than it is able to sell them. America will, most likely, need to find a more normal, sustainable level of consumption, and that’s exactly the problem. We don’t know what normal consumption looks like. Over much of the last few decades, we gave in to every shopping whim, with little thought to the future, except for those times we were so dispirited, we wouldn’t spend at all. What does a reasonable balance between consumption now and consumption deferred actually look like? That’s what we need to figure out.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=401675b9ccde4de77a5c4119ab9d3dc3

Economix Blog: The Challenge of Creating Good Jobs

Paul Osterman, co-author of Good Jobs America: Making Work Better for Everyone.David LoblePaul Osterman, co-author of “Good Jobs America: Making Work Better for Everyone.”

In their new book, “Good Jobs America: Making Work Better for Everyone,” Paul Osterman and Beth Shulman argue that the United States needs to worry about not just creating millions more jobs but also ensuring that the jobs are good ones.

By good jobs, the authors mean jobs that pay enough to support a family and provide decent, safe conditions. The authors voice concern that many middle-class jobs have disappeared or deteriorated into low-wage ones that cause families to fall below the poverty line.

Taking a view contrary to that of many economists and politicians, they argue that government can and should play a vigorous role in encouraging employers to create good jobs — perhaps by providing tax incentives that require employers to pay a living wage.

Book Chat

Talking with authors about their work.

Mr. Osterman is a professor of human resources and management at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Ms. Shulman, who died last year, was a senior fellow at Demos, chairwoman of the National Employment Law Project and co-chairwoman of the Fairness Initiative on Low-Wage Work.

Here are excerpts from an interview with Mr. Osterman.

What would you recommend that President Obama and Congress do to create more jobs?

I strongly want to argue you should not just talk about creating jobs but the quality of the jobs you create. The general point I would make is there’s a shortage of economic demand, and as a result, the government needs to create jobs directly.

The critique of that is, one, that it’s wasteful. The image is the government pays you to dig a hole and pays me to fill it up. There is a lot of work that’s not like that, whether it’s building infrastructure or being day-care teacher or health-care provider, work that provides lasting benefits to society.

The other critique is this would crowd out private-sector jobs. When the economy has slack resources — and right now we have a high unemployment rate and low interest rates — it’s not true that you’d be crowding out jobs.

Russell Sage Foundation

What do you mean when you say good jobs?

The concept of what are good jobs is very broad. We can talk about wages, about benefits, about autonomy at work. In the book we make it simple: we talk about wages. We look at two standards. One standard is two-thirds of the median wage. (The median wage is $17.60 an hour, the book says, and two-thirds of that is $11.73.) That’s a standard used internationally and in the states. If you’re below that, if you’re that far from the average, you’re really in difficulty in society.

The other standard is whether wages for a full-time worker are below the poverty line for a family of four. (That’s $10.60 an hour.) Nearly 20 percent of American adults work in such poverty-level jobs. That’s a remarkably high percentage.

Many people question the wisdom and efficacy of having government adopt policies to create good jobs. Many people say, for instance, if you get a good education, then don’t worry, you’ll find a good job.

One objection we hear is that these bad, low-wage jobs are transitory, that people just move through them on their way up. But that’s not true. Overwhelmingly adults stay in these jobs for years and years. It’s not Horatio Alger. It’s not transitory.

Then there’s the objection people raise that we can solve our problems through education. I don’t want to get in a box and say education is not important. But if you do a thought experiment and say all of a sudden, everyone has a degree from a community college, all these jobs won’t suddenly go away. There will still be jobs for janitors, jobs cleaning hotel rooms and chopping lettuce that goes into your salad. The question is, how much are they going to pay?

Then you also hear that the government shouldn’t be making employment standards. The book makes the point that you’ve always had labor market standards and that there’s broad support for that ever since the Shirtwaist Fire a century ago.

Another objection you hear is that if you try to raise the floor in the labor market, you’ll kill jobs. That’s what you hear all the time about the minimum wage, but if you review the research on the minimum wage, the effects are a lot less scary than opponents make you believe. And if you look at France and Germany, which have a far lower percentage of workers in low-wage jobs, the employment to population ratio for adults is much better than we have in the United States.

In your book, you say corporations and other employers play a central role in determining whether the jobs that are created are good jobs or not good jobs. Can you discuss that?

The book does not take the stance this is all about evil employers. It’s much more sympathetic than what you hear from some people. Employers are under intense competitive pressures. There are bad employers out there, there are employers that violate minimum wage and overtime laws, but they’re certainly not a majority. The fact that employers are under intense competitive pressures doesn’t mean you let standards be driven downward. You want to push the floor up.

Like all of us, employers look for the path of least resistance. The path of least resistance is not to invest in your work force, not to invest in a career ladder, to squeeze on wages and benefits, to make your work force more contingent and flexible.

At the same time, the human resources departments of most firms have been weakened. In many American companies, human resources is seen as the least prestigious function, a residual function. And labor unions are no longer in as strong a position to push for other behavior, to stop this drift downward in employment standards.

What would you do to help ensure that companies do indeed create good jobs?

What you need is a strategy, carrot and stick, in setting standards and positive incentives to raise the floor and assistance to firms in doing so.

Government, historically, in the United States has been very influential in setting employment norms. At the turn of the 20th century, it was civil service reform, and that became a model for private-sector corporations. During World War II, the War Labor Board was influential in shaping the labor market and labor peace.

Government can play an important role in incentivizing and modeling good behavior. It can use its zoning power or community benefit agreements so that if someone wants to build a large project and needs zoning approval, the government can set a wage standard as a condition for approval — for the construction jobs as well as the resulting jobs. Or if you use tax incentives to attract companies to your area, it should be required that those companies pay a living wage. A number of states have done that. Or if government outsources jobs, a living-wage standard should be applied to jobs that get contracted out.

There have been a number of experiments at the state level to provide tax incentives to encourage companies to train front-line workers. With training, workers could go from cleaning hotel rooms to being a line cook or waiter.

In the health-care sector, reimbursement schemes put enormous pressure on nursing homes to pay their certified nursing assistants poorly. That’s public policy. That’s not the market.

In a variety of ways, governments can play a positive role and do so by walking the talk themselves.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=89a8c8568413d9afec384583dfd0adc0

Room For Debate: Can the Middle Class Be Rebuilt?

Introduction

job fairTony Dejak/Associated Press A job fair in Independence, Ohio, in August.

This stubborn downturn seems to be the theme of the week, and everyone is weighing in: Mitt Romney outlined his economic proposals on Tuesday, the other Republican presidential candidates will sound off at a debate on Wednesday, and President Obama is expected to talk about jobs and taxes on Thursday.

Many of the proposals floating around are aimed at restoring the average American’s spending power. But the erosion of consumer spending is partly a symptom of deeper shifts, trends that predate the recession: the nation’s widening income gap and the erosion of jobs that pay enough to give people a toehold in the middle class.

How should the government respond to these long-term changes in the American economy? Should policy makers strive to rebuild the middle class with middle-paying jobs? If that is a lost battle, what is the alternative path to recovery?

 Read the Discussion »

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Topics: Barack Obama, Economy, Jobs, Mitt Romney, Politics, unemployment

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Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=079e154389cce83c0073c8a4b4a50bc5

You’re the Boss: Senate Repeals Reporting Rule

The Agenda

On Tuesday Senate Democrats conceded defeat in the battle of how to pay for repealing the expanded 1099 reporting provision that passed last year as part of the Affordable Care Act but which many small-business owners consider burdensome. In voting to approve the bill, the Senate agreed to adopt a House Republican measure that Democrats viewed as an effort to undermine their health care law. Nonetheless, the bill passed the Senate by a lopsided 87 to 12 — with most Democrats voting in favor. Shortly after the vote, the White House signaled that President Obama would sign the repeal.

The bill also repeals a second new 1099 requirement directed at landlords that helped pay for the small-business jobs act. To pay for these repeals, the House measure takes aim at subsidies that low- and middle-income people will receive to purchase health insurance under the new law. Those subsidies are tax credits paid in advance and based on income reported in prior years. Taxpayers who earn more than anticipated — and so receive a bigger subsidy than they’re entitled to — must return at least some of that overpayment to the government. The bill increases the amount of excess subsidy that many taxpayers who earn more than twice the federal poverty level would have to pay back — and those earning between four and five times the federal poverty level would have to pay all of it back.

Democrats called this a tax increase on the middle class, and Senator Robert Menendez of New Jersey offered an amendment to delay the repeal until the effects of the offsetting measure could be studied. But that amendment received only 41 votes, all from Democrats, far short of the 60 needed to pass.

Initially, the White House declared its opposition to the House offset. But it stopped short of threatening a veto, and today the White House said in a statement it was “pleased Congress has acted to correct a flaw that placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on small businesses.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=470c91e58564b68686f3060e25cb1641