December 21, 2024

Strategies: Why Investors Should Look Beyond Europe — Strategies

Whether the latest agreement of European leaders brings a final resolution to the euro crisis won’t be clear for some time, but few people are betting on it. And a reprieve from euro jitters might just focus attention on another trouble spot: Washington, where a Congressional supercommittee failed to reach a budget-cutting compromise last month and measures to extend the payroll tax cut are stuck in political gridlock. A long impasse could weaken the already none-too-strong economy.

“If Congress and the White House continue to be unable to get anything done,” said Lisa Shalett, the chief investment officer at Merrill Lynch Wealth Management, then “we are playing with fire.” In short, continued bipolar stress is most likely — with market anxiety swinging back and forth across the Atlantic.

These problems certainly loom large. But Jim O’Neill, the chairman of Goldman Sachs Asset Management, says they aren’t really the most important prospects on the horizon. In his view of the world, developments in Brazil, Russia, India and China — enormous and rapidly growing economies, which he labeled as the BRIC’s 10 years ago — will prove “far more important to investors” than the issues now weighing down the United States and the 17 countries of the euro zone.

Because the euro crisis is of “obsessive interest” around the world, he said in a telephone interview last week, European policy makers need to “make it clear that they’re not going to let the euro area implode.” That, he said, should help make people “a bit more relaxed and a bit more balanced.” And instead of focusing primarily on “tail risk” — on hedging against the extreme damage that a euro collapse could wreak — it may be possible for more people to realize that we are in the middle of an exciting economic transformation, he said.

Mr. O’Neill has a new book, “The Growth Map: Economic Opportunity in the BRICs and Beyond.” In it, he says that Brazil, Russia, India and China, as well as — Indonesia, South Korea, Mexico and Turkey — are economic powerhouses and should no longer be called emerging markets. He prefers the term “growth markets” for them, a name that may help investors “to understand the scale of the opportunity here, and for policy makers to grasp what is changing in the world.”

All these countries, he says, enjoy “largely sound government debt and deficit positions, robust trading networks and huge numbers of people all moving steadily up the economic ladder.” Their governance in some cases may leave much to be desired — he cited Russia as an example — but their economies compare favorably in many respects with the developed nations that are having so much trouble these days.

The eclectic countries comprising the growth markets all have relatively large populations tilted toward a young demographic — South Korea is the smallest but most prosperous of the group, per capita — and have already begun to grow at a very rapid pace.

The growth of China, the economic heavyweight among them, is likely to slow from an annual rate in the double digits to 7 or 8 percent, he said. At that pace, China should surpass the United States as the world’s largest economy by 2027, which, he said, was a very conservative estimate.

He acknowledges that Brazil, India, Russia and China have relatively little in common. That’s one reason, he says, that they are unlikely to be an enduring and cohesive political bloc. But what they shared in 2001, he says, “was that they all appeared increasingly eager to engage on the global stage,” and each, he says, has actually prospered mightily from world trade over the last decade.

In the intervening years, they have accounted for roughly a third of the growth of the world economy. To put that into perspective, he says, their combined increase in G.D.P. was “more than twice that of the United States, and it was equivalent to the creation of another new Japan plus one Germany, or five United Kingdoms.”

In the last year alone, he says, the economies of the four BRIC countries have almost expanded enough to “add another Italy” to the size of the world economy. And barring disasters, he says, this kind of growth is likely to continue.

As for the United States, whose strongest rising export markets are China, Brazil and Mexico, he says, “this is a fantastic opportunity” to help re-engineer the economy.

Will this mean more jobs moving offshore? Mr. O’Neill, a fervent advocate of free trade and globalization, allows that it may, in some manufacturing industries. But as the growth markets become more affluent and labor costs rise, wages in the United States will become more competitive, he says, and some jobs are likely to return. For the growth markets to fulfill their potential, he adds, restrictions on trade and currency controls in countries like China will need to be liberalized.

They will all need to avoid “disastrous setbacks,” he says, and many of them will need to combat “corruption.” Russia, in particular, needs to ensure that its government is more responsive to the desires of its citizens, he says. But the net effect of truly free trade, he maintains, is always positive over the long run.

AMONG the developed nations, he says, the United States is in a comparatively good position for sustained growth over the next few decades, partly because its population is relatively young compared with that of Europe and Japan, and because it will retain many of its current advantages, especially its strength in innovation.

A boom in the growth markets won’t mean profit for investors if the price isn’t right, he says, and without deep knowledge of a country, it’s easy to lose your way. It’s possible to reap many of the benefits of direct investment by holding shares in multinational corporations based in the United States. Over the long haul, he says, “America should learn to love the BRIC’s.”

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DealBook: Goodrich Sale for $16 Billion Is Confirmed

Jonathan Alcorn/Bloomberg NewsLouis Chenevert, chairman and chief executive of United Technologies C

11:14 p.m. | Updated

United Technologies has agreed to buy the Goodrich Corporation for $16.4 billion in cash, the companies said late on Wednesday, in an effort to expand in the fast-growing commercial aviation business.

Under the deal’s terms, United Technologies will pay $127.50 a share, a 16 percent premium to Goodrich’s Wednesday closing price. It is also a 47 percent premium to the company’s closing price on Sept. 15, before reports of a potential deal emerged.

The deal, the largest by United Technologies in recent memory, would add another major component to a portfolio that already includes Sikorsky helicopters, Pratt Whitney jet engines and Otis elevators. The combined company is expected to have $66 billion in global sales this year.

Goodrich will be added to United Technologies’ existing aerospace division and will continue to be led by its chairman and chief executive, Marshall Larsen. United Technologies said that it expected the deal to begin adding to its earnings in the second year after closing.

Directors of both companies met late on Wednesday to approve the deal. The deal is being supported by about $15 billion in financing from a lending group led by JPMorgan Chase and including HSBC and Bank of America Merrill Lynch.

A deal by United Technologies is the latest by a company seeking growth through acquisitions, at a time when companies have been hard-pressed to increase their profits internally. Financing remains relatively cheap for borrowers with strong credit ratings, while many companies have been holding billions of dollars in cash on their balance sheets.

In 2009, the company bought General Electric’s fire alarm and security systems unit for $1.8 billion. In 2008, it began a hostile bid for Diebold, a maker of automated teller machines and security systems, but called off its efforts after the financial crisis.

United Technologies was advised by JPMorgan and Goldman Sachs, while Goodrich was advised by Credit Suisse and Citigroup. United Technologies received legal advice from the law firm Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen Katz, while Goodrich was counseled by Jones Day.

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DealBook: United Technologies Clinches $16.4 Billion Deal for Goodrich

Jonathan Alcorn/Bloomberg NewsLouis Chenevert, chairman and chief executive of United Technologies C

9:42 p.m. | Updated

United Technologies has agreed to buy the Goodrich Corporation for $16.4 billion in cash, the companies said late on Wednesday, in an effort to expand in the fast-growing commercial aviation business.

Under the terms of the agreement, United Technologies will pay $127.50 a share, a 16 percent premium to Goodrich’s Wednesday closing price. It is also a 47 percent premium to the company’s closing price on Sept. 15, before reports of a potential deal emerged.

The deal, the largest by United Technologies in recent memory, would add another major component to a business portfolio that already includes Sikorsky helicopters, Pratt Whitney jet engines and Otis elevators.

Directors of both companies met late on Wednesday to approve the deal. The deal is being supported by about $15 billion in financing from a lending group led by JPMorgan Chase and including HSBC and Bank of America Merrill Lynch.

A deal by United Technologies would be the latest by a company seeking growth through acquisitions, at a time when companies have been hard-pressed to increase their profits internally. Financing remains relatively cheap for borrowers with strong credit ratings, while many companies have been holding billions of dollars in cash on their balance sheets since the end of the financial crisis.

Shares of United Technologies have fallen nearly 1 percent since Friday, closing at $74.87.

The company has been an active deal maker over the last three years. In 2009, it purchased General Electric’s fire alarm and security systems unit for $1.8 billion.

In 2008, it began a hostile bid for Diebold, a maker of automated teller machines and security systems, that went on for months but called off its efforts after the onset of the financial crisis. Since then, it has shied away from unsolicited offers.

United Technologies was advised by JPMorgan Chase, while Goodrich was advised by Citigroup and Credit Suisse.

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News Analysis: As Greece Struggles, the World Imagines a Default

As concerns grow that Greece may default on its government debt, economists are starting to map out possible outcomes. While no one knows for certain what will happen, it’s a given that financial crises always have unexpected consequences, and many predict there will be collateral damage.

Because of these fears, Greece is working frantically in concert with other European nations to avoid default, by embracing further austerity measures it has promised in return for more European bailout money to help pay its debts.

But some economists believe default may be inevitable — and that it may actually be better for Greece and, despite a short-term shock to the system, perhaps eventually for Europe as well. They are beginning to wonder whether the consequences of a default or a more radical debt restructuring, dire as they may be, would be no worse for Greece than the miserable path it is currently on.

A default would relieve Greece of paying off a mountain of debt that it cannot afford, no matter how much it continues to cut government spending, which already has caused its economy to shrink.

At the same time, however, there is a fear of the unknown beyond Greece’s borders. Merrill Lynch estimates that the shock to growth in Europe, while not as severe as in the aftermath of the financial crisis of 2008, would be troubling, with overall output contracting by 1.3 percent in 2012.

While other countries have defaulted on their sovereign debt in recent times without causing systemic contagion, analysts weighing the numbers on Greece note that its debt is far higher, so the ripple effects could be more serious.

Total Greek public debt is about 370 billion euros, or $500 billion. By comparison, Argentina’s debt was $82 billion when it defaulted in 2001; when Russia defaulted, in 1998, its debt was $79 billion.

Economists also warn that a Greek default could put further pressure on Italy, the euro zone’s third-largest economy, which, though solvent, is struggling to enact austerity measures and find a way to stimulate growth. Moreover, Italy’s government debt is five times the size of Greece’s, and concerns about Italy’s ability to meet its obligations could grow if Greece defaults.

In a new sign of trouble for the country, Standard Poor’s on Monday cut Italy’s credit rating by one notch to A, citing its weakening economy and limited political response.

“Orderly or not, we have no idea what the effect of a default would be on other countries, especially Italy,” said Peter Bofinger, an economist who advises the German Finance Ministry. “If there is just a 5 percent chance that this affects Italy, then you don’t want to do it.”

In part, what would happen in the wake of a Greek default would depend on whether European leaders could create a firewall to control the damage from spreading widely. That would require officials to come together in ways they so far have not been able to, because it is politically unpopular in some countries to spend many billions more bailing out Greece.

In particular, work on transforming Europe’s main financial rescue vehicle, the proposed 440 billion euro European Financial Stability Facility, would have to be fast tracked so that it would be in a position to buy European bonds and, crucially, provide emergency loans to countries that need to inject money into capital starved banks. Differences over the best way to go forward so far have delayed approval of the expanded fund.

Bailing out the banks will be crucial if Greece either defaults or imposes a hard restructuring, whereby banks would be forced to take a larger loss on their holdings compared with the fairly benign 21 percent losses that they are now being asked to accept as part of the second, 109 billion euro bailout package set for Greece in June.

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Federal Regulators Sue Big Banks Over Mortgages

Bank of America, Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase, Deutsche Bank, Citigroup, Barclays and Morgan Stanley are among the defendants in the suits, brought by the Federal Housing Finance Agency, which oversees Fannie and Freddie, the government-backed organizations that finance much of the nation’s mortgage market.

The legal action opens a broad front in a rapidly growing attempt to force the banks to pay tens of billions of dollars for helping stoke the housing bubble. It was the collapse of the housing market that helped prompt the financial crisis in 2008, and the hangover is still being felt in the housing sector as well as the broader economy.

The litigation also marks a more intense effort by the federal government to go after the financial services industry for its alleged mortgage misdeeds. The Obama administration as well as regulators like the Federal Reserve have been criticized for going too easy on the banks, which benefited from a $700 billion bailout package shortly after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the fall of 2008.

Much of that money has been repaid by the banks — but the rescue of Fannie and Freddie has already cost taxpayers $153 billion, and the federal government estimates the effort could cost $363 billion through 2013.

Even though the banks face tens of billions in legal bills from other plaintiffs, including private investors, the suits filed Friday could cost them far more. In the case of Bank of America, for example, the suit alleges that Fannie and Freddie bought more than $50 billion worth of risky mortgage securities from the bank and two companies it subsequently acquired, Merrill Lynch and Countrywide Financial.

The filing does not cite the total losses the government wants to recover, but in a similar case brought this summer against UBS, the government is trying to recover $900 million in losses on $4.5 billion in securities. A similar 20 percent claim against Bank of America could equal a $10 billion hit.

In the suit that identifies 23 securities that Bank of America sold for $6 billion, the company “caused hundreds of millions of dollars in damages to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in an amount to be determined at trial.”

Other large banks also assembled huge amounts of so-called private-label mortgage-backed securities for Fannie and Freddie that declined sharply in value after the housing bubble burst in 2007. JPMorgan Chase sold $33 billion, while Morgan Stanley sold over $10 billion and Goldman Sachs sold more than $11 billion. A who’s who of foreign banks were also big bundlers and sellers of these securities, such as Deutsche Bank ($14.2 billion), Royal Bank of Scotland ($30.4 billion) and Credit Suisse ($14.1 billion).

In the suit filed against Bank of America, the agency alleges that bank sold securities that “contained materially false or misleading statements and omissions.” The company and several individual bankers named as defendants “falsely represented that the underlying mortgage loans complied with certain underwriting guidelines and standards, including representations that significantly overstated the ability of the borrowers to repay their mortgage loans,” the suit says. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac bought $6 billion in securities from the bank between September 2005 and November 2007.

The defendants include the company; several units of the bank, including Banc of America Mortgage Securities; and a dozen individuals, such as the chief executive and directors of the mortgage unit. Each defendant had a role in the process, the suit says, from buying home loans from originators to bundling those loans into securities to marketing and selling those securities to Fannie and Freddie.

The defendants vouched for key criteria behind the loans, ranging from the credit score of a borrower to the ratio of the balance of the loan to the value of the house to whether the borrower lived in the home, the suit says.

It alleges that the defendants “had enormous financial incentives to complete as many offerings as quickly as possible without regard to ensuring the accuracy or completeness (of those assurances) or conducting adequate and reasonable due diligence.”

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Common Sense: Aftershock to Economy Has a Precedent That Holds Lessons

 The events of the last few weeks — gridlock in Washington, brinksmanship over raising the debt ceiling, Standard Poor’s downgrade of long-term Treasuries, renewed fears about European debt and a dizzying plunge in the stock market — bear an intriguing resemblance to some of the events of 1937-38, the so-called recession within the Depression, with a major caveat: it was a lot worse back then. The Dow Jones industrial average dropped 49 percent from its peak in 1937. Manufacturing output fell by 37 percent, a steeper decline than in 1929-33. Unemployment, which had been slowly declining, to 14 percent from 25 percent, surged to 19 percent. Price declines led to deflation.

 “The parallels to what is happening now are very strong,” Robert McElvaine, author of “The Great Depression: America, 1929-1941” and a professor of history at Millsaps College, said this week. Then as now, policy makers were struggling with how and when to turn off the fiscal stimulus and monetary easing that had been used to combat the initial crisis.

Are we at similar risk today? David Bianco, chief investment strategist for Merrill Lynch Bank of America, told me this week that “the market is collapsing faster than any fundamentals would warrant.” The possibility that the United States faces a recession as bad as 1937’s seems far-fetched. Nonetheless, the risk of another recession has soared, by Mr. Bianco’s estimate, to an 80 percent probability, one that would be worse than the 1991 recession. He noted that there had been only three instances when such a steep market decline was not followed by recession: 1966, 1987 (after the October stock market crash) and 1998 (after the implosion of Long Term Capital Management.) “Confidence is shaken and rapidly falling,” he said, a problem worsened by falling stock prices.

By 1937 an economic recovery seemed to be in full swing, giving policy makers every reason to believe the economy was strong enough to withdraw government stimulus. Growth from 1933 to 1936 averaged a booming 9 percent a year (rivaling modern-day China’s), albeit from a very low base. The federal debt had swelled to 40 percent of gross domestic product in 1936 (from 16 percent in 1929.). Faced with strident calls from both Republicans and members of his own party to balance the federal budget, President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Congress raised income taxes, levied a Social Security tax (which preceded by several years any payments of benefits) and slashed federal spending in an effort to balance the federal budget. Income-tax revenue grew by 66 percent between 1936 and 1937 and the marginal tax rate on incomes over $4,000 nearly doubled, to 11.6 percent from an average marginal rate of 6.4 percent. (The marginal tax rate on the rich — those making over $1 million — went to 75 percent, from 59 percent.)

The Federal Reserve did its part to throw the economy back into recession by tightening credit. Wholesale prices were rising in 1936, setting off inflation fears. There was concern that the Fed’s accommodative monetary policies of the 1920s had led to asset speculation that precipitated the 1929 crash and ensuing Depression. The Fed responded by increasing banks’ reserve requirements in several stages, leading to a drop in the money supply.

The possible causes of the ensuing stock market plunge and steep contraction in the economy provide fodder for just about everyone in the current political debate. Republicans can point to the Roosevelt tax increases. Democrats have the spending reductions, which coincides with Mr. McElvaine’s view. “It appears clear to me that the cause was policies put into effect in 1936-37, mainly cutting spending when F.D.R. believed his re-election was secured,” he said.

The Nobel-prize winning economist Milton Friedman blamed the Fed and the contraction in the money supply in his epic “Monetary History of the U.S.” And the stock market itself may have been a culprit, falling so steeply that it wiped out the wealth effect of rising prices, undermined confidence and brought back painful memories of the crash. But taken together, they suggest that policy makers moved too quickly to withdraw government support for the economy.

In the current context, it’s hard to blame the Fed for being too restrictive in its monetary policy, as the Fed was in 1937. If anything, critics fault it for being too accommodating, raising many of the same issues that led the Fed to tighten in 1937. Ben S. Bernanke, the Fed chairman, is a student of Depression history and is well aware of Mr. Friedman’s monetary analysis. “He won’t make the same mistake,” Jeremy Siegel, professor of finance at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, said.

The Fed’s pledge this week to keep interest rates near zero not just for a vague “extended period” but for a full two years rendered two-year Treasuries virtually risk-free and depressed their yields to a record low of 0.19 percent. This should lead investors to seek income from riskier assets, leading to lower interest rates across the spectrum, including mortgage rates.

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A.I.G. to Sue Bank of America Over Mortgage Bonds

The suit seeks to recover more than $10 billion in losses on $28 billion of investments, in possibly the largest mortgage-security-related action filed by a single investor.

It claims that Bank of America and its Merrill Lynch and Countrywide Financial units misrepresented the quality of the mortgages placed in securities and sold to investors, according to three people with knowledge of the complaint.

A.I.G., still largely taxpayer-owned as a result of its 2008 government bailout, is among a growing group of investors pursuing private lawsuits because they believe banks misled them into buying risky securities during the housing boom. At least 90 suits related to mortgage bonds have been filed, demanding at least $197 billion, according to McCarthy Lawyer Links, a legal consulting firm. A.I.G. is preparing similar suits against other large financial institutions including Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase and Deutsche Bank, said the people with knowledge of the complaint, as part of a litigation strategy aimed at recovering some of the billions in losses the insurer sustained during the financial crisis.

The private actions stand in stark contrast to the few credit crisis cases brought by the Justice Department, which is wrapping up many of its inquiries into big banks without filing any charges. The lack of prosecutions — the Justice Department has brought three cases against employees at large financial companies and none against executives at large banks — has left private litigants, mainly investors and consumers, standing more or less alone in trying to hold financial parties accountable.

“When federal authorities don’t fulfill their obligation to enforce the law, they essentially give an imprimatur to the financial entities to do whatever they want and disregard the law,” said Kathleen C. Engel, a professor at Suffolk University Law School in Boston. “To the extent there are places where shareholders and borrowers can pursue claims, they are really serving the function of the government. They are our private attorneys general.”

Though many in the public have called for more accountability for parties involved in the financial crisis, criminal charges on complex financial matters can be difficult to prosecute.

A spokeswoman for the Justice Department said the government was vigorously pursuing cases where appropriate, and she pointed to a recent jail sentence for the chairman of the mortgage company Taylor, Bean Whitaker. The spokeswoman, Alisa Finelli, declined to say how many people the government had assigned to that task.

“Prosecutors and agents determine on a case by case basis the importance of relevant evidence developed in private litigation and how such evidence should be pursued,” Ms. Finelli said. “Civil litigation involves a lower standard of proof than is required for a criminal prosecution, where prosecutors must have sufficient evidence to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that a crime has been committed.”

On Friday, the department announced it had concluded its investigation into Washington Mutual, the Seattle-based bank that nearly collapsed because of its risky mortgages, without finding evidence of criminal wrongdoing. The Justice Department has also concluded its investigation into Countrywide’s conduct leading into the financial crisis, according to a person with knowledge of that case.

Even more investigations may soon be shut down because the Justice Department is heavily involved in negotiations between big banks and state attorneys general that may give the banks broad immunity against future claims. The state attorneys general are weighing these requests in the mortgage servicing and foreclosure cases, even though the government has not pursued the most basic investigation of these practices.

As it has in similar cases, Bank of America is likely to dispute A.I.G.’s claims, in the suit, which is expected to be filed on Monday in New York State Supreme Court. When asked generally about the quality of mortgage bonds issued by companies that are now part of the bank, Lawrence Di Rita, a spokesman for Bank of America, said the disclosures were robust enough for sophisticated investors. He said many of the loans lost value because housing fell.

“Now you have a lot of investors and lawyers who are seeking to recoup the losses from an economic downturn,” Mr. Di Rita said. The bank has not yet seen A.I.G.’s suit.

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DealBook: Once Unthinkable, Breakup of Big Banks Now Seems Feasible

John A. Thain, chief of Merrill Lynch, left, and Kenneth D. Lewis, chief of Bank of America, in 2008.Bebeto Matthews/Associated PressJohn A. Thain, chief of Merrill Lynch, left, and Kenneth D. Lewis, chief of Bank of America, in 2008.

What was made can be unmade.

JPMorgan Chase and Wells Fargo may have venerable names, but they and the pseudo-venerable Citigroup and Bank of America are all products of countless mergers and agglomerations.

There is no rule of markets that requires a financial system dominated by four cobbled-together, lumbering behemoths.

Lawmakers and regulators have failed to remake our system with smaller, safer institutions. What about investors?

Big bank stocks have been persistently weak, making breakups that seemed politically impossible no longer unthinkable.

Bank of America’s recent quarterly earnings were so weak that investors and commentators wondered whether the bank should sell off Merrill Lynch, the investment bank for which it foolishly overpaid at the height of the crisis. Bank of America trades at half of its book value (the stated value of its assets minus its liabilities), an indication that investors view its asset quality and prospects just a notch below abominable, as Jonathan Weil of Bloomberg News pointed out last week.

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For Bank of America, the question is whether it will have to raise capital. Selling shares at such depressed prices would be costly. Regulators won’t push for it. They just gave stress tests to the biggest banks, and merely restricted the bank from paying out a dividend. The logical solution is that Bank of America shed business lines in a bid to improve its prospects in the eyes of Wall Street.

Citigroup’s stock, revenue and earnings have lagged for a decade.

“Look, if you can’t compete in the major leagues for over a decade, it’s time to go back to the minors,” said the always outspoken Mike Mayo, an analyst with CLSA. His chronicle of ruffling bank management feathers, “Exile on Wall Street” (Wiley), will be published in the fall.

JPMorgan Chase is as well managed as any gargantuan bank can be. But if you look at its businesses, it’s hard to see any area where it is clearly the best, something even its own executives concede. Not in credit cards, where the premier name is American Express. Not in money management, where you might offer up T. Rowe Price. Investment banking — Goldman Sachs (the last quarter notwithstanding). Back-office transactions, State Street.

Yet even JPMorgan is merely trading at book value. Put another way, the market regards the value that JPMorgan provides as a financial services conglomerate as zilch. How well do all of JPMorgan’s divisions work together? In presentations to investors, JPMorgan executives show how much revenue they gain from existing clients. But these measures are hardly unbiased. Executives have an incentive to defend their empires. Who is to say that a certain division of JPMorgan wouldn’t have won that business anyway? And nobody measures how much a bank loses through conflicts of interest.

Even in the face of investor pressure, there are forces that would hold bank breakups back. Mainly pay.

“The biggest motivation for not breaking up is that top managers would earn less,” Mr. Mayo said. “That is part of the breakdown in the owner/manager relationship. That’s a breakdown in capitalism.”

Institutional investors — the major owners of the banks — are passive and conflicted. They don’t like to go public with complaints. They have extensive business ties with the banks. The few hedge fund activist investors who aren’t cowed would most likely balk at taking on such an enormous target.

Also, there are reasons to think that smaller banks wouldn’t necessarily make the system safer. A wave of small bank failures can have systemic effects, as was the case in the Great Depression. Focused companies like Washington Mutual and Bear Stearns failed in the recent crisis, worsening it.

Making a nuanced argument, John Hempton, a blogger, investor and former regulator in Australia, says that it’s better for shareholders — and societies — to have large banks with lots of market power. That makes them more profitable and leads them to take less risk, making them safer and more enticing for investors.

Another oft-trotted-out argument against breakups: The United States needs global banks to service its giant, multinational corporations and to preserve our position in world markets.

Color me unconvinced. When a giant corporation wants to do a major bond offering or a big company goes public, the banks, despite their size, don’t want to shoulder all the risk themselves, preferring to share the responsibility.

If the stocks continue to lag for quarters upon years, these arguments will seem less convincing, while institutional reluctance will begin to erode.

Investors don’t care about size, they care about performance. It’s undeniable that smaller banks are easier to manage. And they are easier for regulators to unwind — and therefore less terrifying to trading partners — when they fail.

One of the most remarkable aspects of the debate about overhauling the financial system after the great crisis was the absence of serious contemplation of breaking up the largest banks.

It’s not a perfect solution. Banks responding to investor pressure would react haphazardly. But it’s a good start.


Jesse Eisinger is a reporter for ProPublica, an independent, nonprofit newsroom that produces investigative journalism in the public interest. Email: jesse@propublica.org. Follow him on Twitter (@Eisingerj).

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Hiring and Manufacturing Remain in a Summer Slump

Layoffs are rising. Manufacturing activity in the Northeast expanded only slightly in July after contracting in June. Economic growth is projected to pick up this fall, but not enough to give businesses sufficient confidence to hire and speed the recovery.

Economists are forecasting a third straight month of feeble hiring in July, based on the latest round of data. Expectations are the economy added in the range of 50,000 to 100,000 net new jobs this month.

That is not enough to keep up with population growth and far below what is needed to lower the unemployment rate, which was 9.2 percent last month.

“We’re going to see improvement, but right now nothing’s improved yet,” said Joshua Dennerlein, an economist at Bank of America Merrill Lynch.

Applications for unemployment benefits rose last week to a seasonally adjusted 418,000, the Labor Department said. They have now topped 400,000 for 15 straight weeks. Applications had fallen in February to 375,000, a level that signals healthy job growth.

The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia said its manufacturing index rose to 3.2 in July, a sign that the sector was growing again. It contracted in June for the first time in nine months. The index dropped to negative 7.7, the lowest level in two years. Any figure below zero indicates contraction.

The index topped 40 in March. The lower reading illustrates what analysts said was the impact of a parts shortage caused by the Japanese earthquake, which has affected many automakers and electronics producers. Still, manufacturers expressed some hope in the latest survey, saying they expect orders and shipments to pick up significantly six months from now.

The Conference Board projected modest growth for the broader economy in the coming months based on its latest reading of leading economic indicators. The index rose in June for the second straight month. It declined in April, the first time that had happened in nearly a year.

The private research group offered a caveat: Federal lawmakers must agree to raise the government’s borrowing limit and avoid a default on the debt.

The federal government has reached its borrowing limit of $14.3 trillion, and the Obama administration says the government will not be able to pay all its bills if the cap is not raised by Aug. 2.

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DealBook: Private Equity Group to Buy Kinetic Concepts

A private equity consortium led by Apax Partners said on Wednesday that it had agreed to buy the medical therapy firm Kinetic Concepts for $6.3 billion, including debt.

The buyout group, which also includes the pension funds Canada Pension Plan Investment Board and the Public Sector Pension Investment Board, expects to close the all-cash deal in the second half of the year, subject to regulatory and shareholder approval.

Apax and the pension funds are paying $68.50 a share for Kinetic, about 6 percent above the closing price on Tuesday, and 21 percent more than the one-month average price before news of the deal was first reported last month.

Kinetic, which is based in San Antonio and provides treatments for wounds and tissue regeneration, reported revenue of $2 billion last year.

Shareholders controlling 11 percent of the company, including the founder, James R. Leininger, have committed their stakes to the deal.

The private equity group hired Morgan Stanley as a financial adviser, and raised debt financing from Morgan Stanley, Bank of America Merrill Lynch and Credit Suisse. Simpson Thacher Bartlett acted as legal counsel, while Kirkland Ellis provided legal advice on the financing.

Kinetic is being advised by J.P. Morgan Securities, and Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher Flom and Cox Smith Matthews are acting as legal counsel.

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