November 16, 2024

White House Memo: Some Risks as Obama Confronts Congress

On the road in the important electoral states of Virginia and North Carolina the past two days, Mr. Obama has joked that his administration is breaking up its $447 billion jobs bill into separate chunks so it would be easier for befuddled Republicans in the Senate to understand.

But the increasingly caustic tone of the president’s attacks on Congress raises a question: How long can Mr. Obama continue to hammer Republicans without exhausting the patience of voters who elected him to be an alternative to Washington partisanship — and without risking the perception that he is part of the problem?

As his bus rolled from the Blue Ridge Mountains toward the Virginia Piedmont, the president delivered an unwavering message: the nation is facing a jobs crisis of historic proportions, and Republicans are blocking his attempts to deal with it.

“Maybe they just couldn’t understand the whole bill at once,” Mr. Obama said to a chortling crowd at the airport in Asheville, N.C. “We’re going to break it up into bite-size pieces.”

Republicans seem likely to reject several parts of Mr. Obama’s package, including new money for retaining teachers and repairing schools. And the president’s acerbic tone suggests that he knows as much.

Running against a hostile Congress is an appealing strategy for a president who, however much he has slipped in the polls, is still far more popular with voters than are his foes on Capitol Hill. Polls also show that most voters support large parts of the jobs bill, a point Mr. Obama drove home at every stop.

But the approach is not without risks for the president.

“What he’s obviously trying to do is model himself on Harry Truman and the ‘do-nothing Congress,’ ” said David Winston, a Republican strategist. “The problem with that is that the unemployment rate in November of 1948 was 3.8 percent.”

While Mr. Obama’s partisan jabs appeal to his Democratic base, they may turn off independent voters, who flocked to him in 2008 in part because of his carefully cultivated image as a leader who rises above the partisan fray. With the jobless rate closer to 10 percent than 4 percent, they may start to tune out the president.

The risks and advantages of the strategy were on display Tuesday at Guilford Technical Community College in Jamestown, N.C., where Mr. Obama spoke about the first piece of the jobs bill to face a vote: $35 billion in federal aid to states and cities for teachers, firefighters and police officers.

Mark Jewell, a 47-year-old teacher trainer, said that North Carolina’s schools desperately needed that money, and that he backed the president’s strategy of forcing Republicans to declare their position on every component of the jobs bill.

“We’re going back 50 years because of a Congress that wants to vote against anything Obama does,” Mr. Jewell said. “The Republicans are using it as a campaign tactic.”

But Thomas O’Connell, a 20-year-old student at the University of North Carolina, Greensboro, said that blaming Congress was not enough. “If he’s going to say the system is broken, he’s got to put forward something of substance himself,” he said.

Mr. O’Connell, who described himself as an Obama supporter but a disenchanted one, said he wished the president would propose public financing of political campaigns, rather than raising $1 billion for his own campaign.

There was a lot of sympathy for the president’s predicament among those who lined up to hear him at the community college. But there was also a sense that people’s patience was limited.

“We want to stand behind him and support him, but at some point we also want to see forward motion,” said Natalie Hopkins, an administrator in the Guilford County school district.

White House officials argue that Mr. Obama has laid out a detailed list of remedies in the American Jobs Act, including school aid and help for veterans in finding jobs, which the president will highlight with the first lady on Wednesday in Virginia.

In the end, they argued, Republicans will support some of the measures. But with at least five votes on parts of the bill likely to come up in the Senate, the exercise could keep the spotlight on those lawmakers until Thanksgiving. “This is the first act of a long drama,” a senior White House official said last week.

Mr. Obama seemed to recognize the yearning for an end to the rancor. He spoke of his efforts to find common cause with Republicans, telling the crowd in heavily Democratic Asheville, “Some of you have been mad at me for trying too hard to cooperate with them, haven’t you?” And he praised a free trade agreement with South Korea that passed the Senate with Republican support.

He also acknowledged that the Republicans had come up with an alternative to his jobs plan, though he quickly dismissed it. Speaking at a high school here, Mr. Obama claimed that the package would gut environmental regulations, roll back Wall Street reforms, leave 30 million Americans without health insurance and perhaps even cost jobs.

“I don’t know how you present a plan for jobs that results in less jobs,” Mr. Obama said to titters. “I mean, they didn’t call it the American No-Jobs Act.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=de4ec1511720db67bbc5757934a95211

Solar Company Solyndra Says Its C.E.O. Resigned

Opinion »

Op-Ed: Tehran’s Foes, Unfairly Maligned

Mujahedeen Khalq should be removed from the United States’ list of foreign terrorist organizations.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=ce63b7170c7f4cf053ecfde4778143a3

Motorola’s Identity Crisis

But the company has never grappled with something like this: a murky future governed by Google, a powerful master with unclear intentions.

In announcing its planned $12.5 billion purchase of Motorola Mobility last week, Google emphasized its interest in the company’s rich trove of 17,000 patents. That portfolio would allow Google to defend itself against foes like Apple and Microsoft in the legal arena, where billions of dollars in patent licensing fees can be indirectly negotiated through lawsuits and countersuits.

But while industry analysts and insiders say the rationale makes sense, they also say it leaves Motorola in an unusual position. Many acquisitions are aimed at creating some well-articulated synergy between the two companies, but Motorola’s future role in this union — beyond patent warehouse — is unclear.

Heightening the uncertainty is that the companies involved, both of which declined to comment, are in some ways as different as two technology companies can be. Google makes Internet services and software, thrives on high profit margins and distributes its product using giant data centers. Motorola makes hardware, has modest margins on a good day and moves its products on trucks and airplanes and through brick-and-mortar stores.

Some hope the cultures will fuse and lead Motorola to a future as storied as its past. Martin Cooper, 82, who worked at Motorola for 30 years and developed the first hand-held cellphones there, said he hoped great things would come from combining Google’s momentum and confidence with Motorola’s tradition of excellence in radio technology.

“The combination might make Motorola successful — again,” said Mr. Cooper, whose patent from the early 1970s for cellular phone technology is among those that hang at the company’s entrance.

At the least, industry analysts said Motorola almost certainly would become a laboratory for Google to seek to perfect Android, its mobile phone software, in concert with newly acquired hardware engineers. Others say Google may wind up giving financial backing to Motorola to help it revive its flagging fortunes in Europe and Asia.

But if it appears to be getting too cozy with Motorola, Google risks upsetting other mobile phone makers like HTC and Samsung, who build some of the most popular smartphones and tablets running on Android.

“How do you compete with your partners and also work with them?” said Ben Schachter, an analyst with Macquarie Capital, who called the situation a “head-scratcher.”

Google has said it will allow Motorola to run independently. But some analysts and investors think Google could markedly pare back or sell big parts of Motorola that create conflicts with partners or are not central to its goals. And that makes for uncertain times for the 19,000 employees at Motorola Mobility in Libertyville, a northern suburb of Chicago, and around the world.

“It’s like, thanks for everything you did in the 20th century, but you’re being bought by a search engine,” said Roger Entner, a telecommunications industry analyst and founder of Recon Analytics, a market research firm. He added, “Nobody ever buys a company and leaves it alone.”

Motorola traces its beginnings to 1928, when two brothers, Paul and Joseph Galvin, started a company making power converters for household radios. In 1947 it changed its name to Motorola, after its popular car radio brand. The company produced radio phones that helped American troops communicate in World War II, car phones in the 1980s, and the trend-setting MicroTac and Razr cellphones, among other products.

But in recent years, after the Razr’s popularity faded, Motorola flirted with financial doom. It was only in the last few quarters that it surged back under the leadership of Sanjay Jha, a former executive at Qualcomm, who joined Motorola in 2008 when it was in danger of missing the rise of the smartphone.

He made significant changes, cutting thousands of employees and splitting the business in two: Motorola Solutions, which sells equipment to businesses, and Motorola Mobility, which handles consumer products like phones and set-top boxes.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=ac00bb0eca8f31b5b9e0e9a9befed098