November 22, 2024

Claims for Jobless Benefits Up in Latest Week

WASHINGTON — The number of people seeking unemployment benefits for the first time rose last week, the Labor Department said Thursday, but the broader trend over the past month suggested job growth could pick up in the new year.

Meanwhile, an index of signed contracts for home purchases in November rose 7.3 percent to 100.1 points, the highest level in a year and a half, according to a report Thursday from the National Association of Realtors.

A reading of 100 points is considered healthy, but a growing number of buyers are canceling their contracts at the last minute, making the gauge less reliable.

Weekly applications for jobless benefits increased by 15,000 to a seasonally adjusted 381,000 after three weeks of declines, the Labor Department said.

Still, the four-week average, a less volatile measure, dropped for the fourth consecutive week to 375,000. That’s the lowest level since June 2008.

Applications generally need to fall consistently below 375,000 to signal that hiring is strong enough to reduce the unemployment rate.

While layoffs have fallen sharply since the recession officially ended two and a half years ago, many companies have been slow to add jobs.

Still, employers have added an average of 143,000 net jobs a month from September through November, almost double the average for the previous three months.

Next year is expected to be even better. A survey of 36 economists by The Associated Press this month found that they predicted the economy would generate an average of about 175,000 jobs a month in 2012.

More small businesses plan to hire than at any time in three years, a trade group said earlier this month. And a separate private-sector survey found more companies are planning to add workers in the first quarter of next year than at any time since 2008.

In November, the unemployment rate fell to 8.6 percent from 9 percent. Still, about half that decline occurred because many of the unemployed gave up looking for work. When people stop looking for a job, they’re no longer counted as unemployed.

And Congress last week agreed to keep emergency unemployment benefits for two additional months. Economists worried that ending the extended unemployment benefits program would have left Americans with less money to spend.

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Economix Blog: Casey B. Mulligan: Unemployment Compensation Over Time

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Casey B. Mulligan is an economics professor at the University of Chicago.

The propensity of unemployed people to receive unemployment benefits reached historical highs after the 2008-9 recession and may indicate that benefit rules have more impact on the economy than ever before. The changing aggregate impact of unemployment insurance may be worth considering as Congress debates benefit extensions.

Today’s Economist

Perspectives from expert contributors.

Unemployment insurance offers funds, for a limited eligibility period (now up to 99 weeks), to “covered” people who lost their jobs and have yet been unable to find and start a new job.

Some economists suggest that unemployment insurance prolongs unemployment because recipients have to give up their benefits as soon as they find and start a new job, or return to working at a previous job.

Some economists also say they believe that unemployment insurance stimulates spending because unemployed people are thought to spend most, if not all, of the money they have on hand.

But neither of these effects can operate unless people take part in the program.

Historically, many of the jobless have not collected unemployment benefits because of ineligibility, lack of awareness or unwillingness to do so.

The chart below graphs the recipiency rate — the percentage of people unemployed who are collecting unemployment benefits that week — to 1986. It was calculated from weekly data, then averaged over 52 weeks to remove some of the large seasonal patterns.

The percentage is always well under 100, fluctuating from 31 to 68 percent. The peak recipiency rates seem to follow recessions; three national recessions have occurred since 1986, in 1990-91, 2001 and 2008-9. Previous studies covering the period 1960-94 found a similar pattern (although perhaps no recipiency rate peak was found after the 1981-82 recession), with a maximum recipiency rate for all 35 years of about 50 percent.

Some unemployed people cannot collect benefits because they quit their jobs, rather than being laid off. But quits are less common during recessions, one reason the recipiency rate is greatest during recessions.

Another reason that recessions can have high recipiency rates is that, by law, benefit eligibility periods are longer during recessions. Laws often increase the eligibility periods by a greater percentage than the average duration of unemployment increases, with the result that a larger percentage of the unemployed are eligible for benefits.

Among other things, the 2009 American Reinvestment and Reinvestment Act expanded eligibility for unemployment insurance by encouraging states to adopt an “alternative base period” benefit calculation rule that allowed a number of people with weak employment histories to qualify for benefits.

Long-term comparisons of recipiency rates are tricky because the data sources change and because of secular changes in the composition of unemployed, but it appears that recipiency rates were higher during 2009 than they have been in 50 years, and perhaps ever.

With such a large percentage of unemployed people receiving benefits, the potential employment and spending effects of those benefits may be greater than ever.

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Monti Wins Confidence Vote in Italy’s Lower House

Despite disagreeing on some measures, the main political parties backed the package of tax increases and spending cuts, which passed with a large majority of 495 votes to 88. The measures will now go to the Senate, which is set to vote them before Christmas.

Mr. Monti came into office last month amid an intractable debt crisis with a mandate to spur growth while balancing the budget by 2013. But the package voted on Friday consists primarily of tax increases, not the structural changes to the economy that many experts say are necessary to restart healthy growth.

At a conference in Rome just before the vote in the Lower House, Mr. Monti said Europe’s response to the debt crisis “should be wrapped in a long-term sustainable approach, not just to feed short-term hunger for rigor in some countries.”

“To help European construction evolve in a way that unites, not divides, we cannot afford that the crisis in the euro zone brings us … the risk of conflicts between the virtuous North and an allegedly vicious South,” he said.

In addition to austerity measures, heavily indebted countries like Italy and Greece are expected to carry out structural reforms that experts say may eventually make their economies competitive with those in northern Europe, particularly Germany’s. That lack of competitiveness has produced a chronic balance of payments deficit in the southern countries that economists say lies at the heart of the euro zone’s troubles.

It was hoped that Italian lawmakers would rally around Mr. Monti’s government of technocrats and make the tough decisions they have avoided in the past. But if his experience with this week’s measures is any guide, his government is bound to hit strong headwinds from vested interests that grip every corner of Italy’s complex, neofeudal economy.

After days of political wrangling in Parliament, the Monti government bowed to pressure from the right — most notably from the party of the former prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi — and dropped some elements of the $40 billion package of spending cuts and revenue increases, including a wealth tax and the speedy liberalization of closed professions like taxi drivers and pharmacists, a plan that drew protests from their powerful guilds. It also scaled back a newly reinstated property tax on primary residences.

After protests from the left and labor unions, most recently with a nation-wide transport system strike that blocked the country on Thursday and Friday, some counting more pensioners than workers among their members, Mr. Monti reinstated inflation increases on low-level pensions that he said would make the measures more equitable.

Mr. Monti has said he wants to make Italy more equitable — especially for young people and women, whom he has called a “wasted resource” — and to help the economy grow. But even as he pledged on Thursday to address labor reform and other structural changes in the coming weeks, he has run up against a wall of vested interests.

“In Italian society, there is no division between left and right; there’s a division between those who are inside or outside some organized groups,” said Sergio Fabbrini, the director of the School of Government at Luiss Guido Carli University in Rome. “All the main political parties from left to right represent the insiders. The left represents the pensioners, the trade unions. The right represent various insiders: the lawyers’ organizations, notaries.”

The only way for young people and women to be represented “is to have a technical government,” he added, “but of course a technical government will have to pass through the approval of the Parliament. And here again the insiders are well organized.”

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For Britain, Another Step Away From Europe

Many bankers and economists are pondering that question after Mr. Cameron’s surprising decision last week to leave Britain out of a historic accord aimed at moving Europe closer to political as well as monetary union.

Mr. Cameron said the pact lacked safeguards to protect the City of London, Britain’s version of Wall Street, against future regulations that might not be in its best interests. And because France and Germany would not bend on his proposed protections, he would not sign on to their plan for more tightly coordinated oversight of European Union governments’ revenue and spending.

Now, though, some in Britain worry that the nation’s ability to halt or shape what is expected to be a wave of future financial regulation from European Union headquarters will be severely constrained if Britain does not have a seat at the negotiating table. And so it remains to be seen whether the City financiers Mr. Cameron wanted to protect will eventually end up feeling grateful — or marginalized.

To be sure, few believe that his decision represents an immediate and mortal blow to London’s ambition to remain a center of international finance. Whatever banks and their overseers might eventually do on the Continent, much of the rest of the financial world — including the money centers of New York, Hong Kong and Tokyo — is likely to still see London as a primary node in the round-the-world, round-the-clock network.

Britain’s banks make more cross-border loans than those of any other country in the world, 18 percent of the global total. London is also home to the largest foreign exchange market in the world. And it remains the headquarters for the large banks that trade European sovereign debt, a business unlikely to go away any time soon.

Financial machinery aside, language, habits and history suggest that London will continue to be a magnet for the globally minded.

But some analysts nonetheless worry that Mr. Cameron’s desire to espouse the stubbornly independent British bulldog could harm the City over the long term.

“This is the worst possible news — the relative decline of the City of London relative to other financial centers in Europe is now a very real risk,” said Graham Bishop, a former London banker who is a consultant on European financial and regulatory matters. 

The decline will not happen at once, he argued. Europe is well aware that financial institutions in London have strong and deep links to the Continent.

But Britain, whose refusal to adopt the euro currency has long put it somewhat at odds with the European Union’s other biggest economies, appears to have estranged itself further from Europe’s policy inner circle.

With Britain now essentially having but one vote among 27 others in the European Union, the chipping away of London’s competitive position will be inevitable, Mr. Bishop contended.

Mr. Cameron has been cheered by the powerful faction of his Conservative Party that sees evil in all that Europe does. But it is unlikely that the constituency his veto was meant to protect — banks, hedge funds and insurance companies operating in the City of London — would welcome a further waning of Britain’s ability to influence regulations from Brussels.

Those executives, many of whom are French, German or Spanish, are a pragmatic, global lot. And they tend to shy away from public confrontation and wish only for an operating environment that continues to play to the City’s strength: providing competitive banking and financial services to an increasingly global economy.

“They will be very worried,” Mr. Bishop predicted.

For Britain, the stakes are huge.  

The fear is that the pact the other European Union members agreed to at the Brussels summit meeting will harden an emerging 17-member euro zone caucus within the 27-member European Union — a bloc that votes together on issues, particularly on financial regulations, that could work against the City of London.

Until now, Britain has been able to assemble blocking minorities on measures it opposes. That happened, for example, with a recent proposal to raise revenue for European governments by taxing financial transactions — a tax that would have put new fees on every trade of stocks, bonds and other financial instruments.

It is not hard to understand why Mr. Cameron and Britain vehemently opposed that particular measure. The new tax would have been imposed on activities that occur in the City more often and at greater volume than anywhere else in Europe.

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Economix Blog: American Migration Reaches Record Low

CATHERINE RAMPELL

CATHERINE RAMPELL

Dollars to doughnuts.

The share of Americans who move their homes in a year has reached a record low, the Census Bureau reported today.

From spring 2010 to spring 2011, just 11.6 percent of the people moved residences, the lowest rate since the government began keeping track of migration in 1948. The difference between that rate and the 2009 rate of 12.5 percent was not statistically significant, but it was a far cry from its heights in the mid-20th century. From 1951-52, for example, 20.3 percent of Americans moved.

The record low moving rate was primarily driven by a drop in the share of people moving from one home to another within the same county.

Many economists are much more concerned, however, by the low share of Americans who are moving between counties and between states. Declines in this type of migration have been partly blamed for continued high levels of unemployment: stuck in underwater homes they cannot sell, many unemployed workers are unable to move to areas where there are more job opportunities.

Among the people who moved within the same county, 18.6 percent did so for job-related reasons; among those who moved between counties, 35.8 percent followed job opportunities.

Of the 6.7 million people who moved between states, the most common migrations were:

  • California to Texas (68,959 movers)
  • New York to Florida (55,011)
  • Florida to Georgia (49,901)
  • California to Arizona (47,164)
  • New Jersey to Pennsylvania (42,456)
  • New York to New Jersey (41,374)
  • California to Washington (39,468)
  • Texas to California (36,582)
  • Georgia to Florida (35,615)
  • California to Nevada (35,472)

Many Americans have stayed put for their whole lives, regardless of economic ups and downs. As of 2010, 59 percent of Americans lived in the state where they were born. The state with the highest percentage of residents who were born there is Louisiana, at 78.8 percent, followed by Michigan (76.6 percent), Ohio (75.1 percent) and Pennsylvania (74 percent).

Nevada, by contrast, had the most outsiders, with less than a quarter (24.3 percent) of its residents born in the Silver State.

Here’s a map, provided by the Census Bureau, showing states by their share of native-born residents:

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Bank of England Holds Benchmark Rate Steady

LONDON — The Bank of England agreed Thursday to keep its key interest rate unchanged on Thursday because of growing concerns that the debt crisis in Europe could push Britain’s economy back into recession.

The central bank left its benchmark interest rate at a record low of 0.5 percent. It also kept its bond purchasing program at £275 billion, or $441 billion, after increasing it by £75 billion last month in an attempt to help a weakening economy.

“The economic outlook has deteriorated over the last month,” Philip Shaw, an economist at Investec Securities in London, said. “The economic data suggested the U.K. could come close to a recession.”

Britain’s economic recovery is tightly linked to developments on the European Continent, where problems in Greece spread to Italy, which is struggling to calm investors and keep borrowing costs down.

The group of nations that share the euro as a common currency is Britain’s biggest export market, and Prime Minister David Cameron has repeatedly said that it was in Britain’s interest to find a solution for Greece’s debt problems and stabilize the euro.

Britain is a member of the European Union but not part of the euro zone.

Some economists said the Bank of England could decide to increase its bond-purchasing program further in the first quarter of next year if the economic outlook deteriorates. In an attempt to help economic growth in Europe, the new president of the European Central Bank, Mario Draghi, last week cut the benchmark rate to 1.25 percent to 1.5 percent.

There was a 50 percent chance that Britain’s economy could slip back into recession, the National Institute for Economic and Social Research said this month. British households are being squeezed as the government and many companies froze pay while costs for food and other items rose. Inflation is currently at 5.2 percent, more than double the central bank’s 2 percent target.

“The biggest threat to the British economy right now is uncertainty itself,” George Osborne, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, said in a speech to British entrepreneurs on Tuesday. The concerns are “rising energy prices, euro zone debt markets in turmoil, an international crisis of confidence,” he said.

In a sign that concerns about rising living costs and unemployment among some consumers translated into lower spending, retail sales fell 0.6 percent in October from a year earlier, according to the British Retail Consortium released Tuesday. An index of manufacturing also declined last month.

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U.S. Economy Picks Up Pace, Averting a Stall

Consumers spent more, especially on health care and utilities, and businesses invested more, in software and vehicles among other items, spurring the fastest growth in a year. The nation’s total output of goods and services grew at an annual rate of 2.5 percent from July to September, almost double the 1.3 percent rate in the previous quarter, the Commerce Department estimated on Thursday.

That pace is not brisk enough, however, to recover the ground lost in the economic bust, relieve unemployment or even entirely dispel fears of a second recession.

“It ain’t brilliant, but at least it’s heading in the right direction,” said Ian Shepherdson, the chief United States economist for High Frequency Economics, a data analysis firm. “I want to see 4 percent, but given that people were talking about a new recession, I’ll take 2.5 or 3.”

Investors embraced the domestic report and a broad agreement struck by European leaders to resolve their debt crisis, causing some major stock indexes to soar by 5 and 6 percent in Europe and by around 3 percent in the United States, where the Dow Jones industrial average closed above 12,200.

Still, one did not have to look far to find cautionary signs in the American economic report. Economists do not expect growth to accelerate in the next few quarters to the point that it drives the unemployment rate well below 9 percent. The improvement is simply not enough to be perceptible to anxious American families.

“For most people, they’re unable to really make a distinction between a recession and just 2 percent growth, which means the economy is growing so weakly it can’t hire enough people to make a dent in unemployment,” said Bernard Baumohl, the chief economist at the Economic Outlook Group.

A 2.5 percent growth rate may be hard to sustain, noted Kathy Bostjancic, director for macroeconomic analysis at the Conference Board, which tracks consumer and executive sentiment. Real income is declining, housing prices are stalled and, as the National Association of Realtors reported on Thursday, home sales in September were down for the third consecutive month. Personal disposable income, adjusted for inflation, fell 1.7 percent in the third quarter, its biggest drop since the third quarter of 2009.

While income was falling, consumer spending rose at an annual rate of 2.4 percent, more than triple the rate in the second quarter.

So where did the money come from? Consumers put away less in savings, and credit card debt inched upward.

“That is unlikely to continue if the economy grows weakly because Americans are much more conscious about adding on a lot of debt to their balance sheet,” said Ms. Bostjancic, who added that the negative outlook had begun to spread to businesses.

“C.E.O. confidence is starting to melt away, along with consumer confidence levels, which have always been low,” she said.

Car sales were strong in July, August and September, and many analysts pointed to those numbers as evidence that consumers were confident enough to take out loans. But the seasonally adjusted number in Thursday’s report showed a slight decline in consumer spending on cars, leading economists to speculate that businesses were responsible for the increase in sales.

Most of the increase in consumer spending was instead driven by nondiscretionary expenses like health care, according to an analysis by David A. Rosenberg, chief economist for Gluskin Sheff, a wealth management firm. “We can understand why consumer confidence has sunk,” he wrote, “when spending on essentials such as utilities and medical bills have to be funded by drawing down the personal savings rate.”

Declines in the savings rate as large as the one reflected in the report — one percentage point, to 4.1 percent of income — are rare, and more than half the time, they herald recession, Mr. Rosenberg said.

Businesses increased their capital investments at a 17.4 percent annual rate. Business spending has been strong throughout the recession, a hopeful sign because investment in factories, offices, equipment and software often precedes hiring.

Some economists also saw a bright spot in inventories, which grew less than expected in the third quarter. That most likely means there are few excess goods piled up, and businesses may need to replenish their inventories in the fourth quarter, producing stronger growth.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: October 27, 2011

An earlier version of this article gave an incorrect name of the company where Nigel Gault works.  It is IHS Global Insight, not HIS Global Insight. 

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Strategies: A Recession Forecast That Has Been Reliable Before

The stock market offers its predictions, and, occasionally, it’s even right. As the economist Paul Samuelson once put it: “The stock market has called nine of the last five recessions.”

Economists have an even worse record, particularly when it comes to predicting downturns. In 1929, for instance, the Harvard Economic Society declared that a depression was “outside the range of probability.” Whoops.

Then there is the matter of the last recession. With the benefit of hindsight, we now know that the downturn began in December 2007. Few people realized it at the time. A survey by Blue Chip Economic Indicators that month found that, as a group, economists believed that the economy would grow by 2.2 percent in 2008. Instead, it began to shrink.

Are we heading into another recession now? Again, the consensus says we’re not.

But at least one organization with an exceptionally good track record says another recession may already be here. That is the Economic Cycle Research Institute, a private forecasting firm based in Manhattan. It was founded by Geoffrey H. Moore, an economist who helped originate the practice of using leading indicators to predict business cycles. Mr. Moore died in 2000, but the team he trained is still at work.

Relying on a series of proprietary indexes, the institute correctly predicted the beginning and the end of the last recession. Over the last 15 years, it has gotten all of its recession calls right, while issuing no false alarms.

That’s why it’s worth paying attention to its current forecast. It’s chilling: as bad as the economy has been, it’s about to get worse.

In the institute’s view, the United States, which is struggling to recover from the last downturn, is lurching into a new one. “If the United States isn’t already in a recession now it’s about to enter one,” says Lakshman Achuthan, the institute’s chief operations officer.

It’s just a forecast. But if it’s borne out, the timing will be brutal, and not just for portfolio managers and incumbent politicians. Millions of people who lost their jobs in the 2008-9 recession are still out of work. And the unemployment rate in the United States remained at 9.1 percent in September.

More pain is coming, says Mr. Achuthan. He thinks the unemployment rate will certainly go higher. “I wouldn’t be surprised if it goes back up into double digits,” he says.

At the moment, the institute is sticking its collective neck out.

Compare the institute’s forecast with the latest Blue Chip survey, which was released on Friday. In it, the consensus is that the economy is slowing, but still growing modestly, and that it will continue to do so. On average, the economists included in the tally foresaw a growth rate of 2 percent in 2012. In January, the consensus prediction for 2012 was a growth rate of 3.1 percent.

Economists have been ratcheting down their projections, recognizing that the recovery has been so weak that it won’t take much to set the economy back.

A dark cloud hovers over the euro zone. Greece is increasingly perceived as likely to default on its debt, causing as-yet-unknown problems for the global financial system. Spain, Portugal and Ireland are already in downturns. Last week, Jan Hatzius and Dominic Wilson, two Goldman Sachs economists, predicted that France and Germany would soon fall into a “mild recession,” contributing to a slowdown in the United States, where they put the odds of a new recession at 40 percent.

In Congressional testimony last week, Ben S. Bernanke, the Federal Reserve chairman, was also downbeat. He said that the economy was “close to faltering” and that the Fed had lowered its own forecast, adding that the Fed is prepared to intervene as needed. He did not predict a recession, however.

Mr. Achuthan, on the other hand, says that the gross domestic product rate is likely to go negative by the first quarter of 2012, if not sooner. He told me last week that he couldn’t tell exactly when the recession would start — or whether it had already begun. The institute made its recession call only after an array of economic indicators showed a “pronounced, pervasive and persistent” downturn consistent with a recession, he says. By contrast, in the summer of 2010, when some market bears interpreted the decline in one of the institute’s indexes as a signal that a recession was in the offing, the institute said the pattern pointed not to recession, but only to weakness.

Now, he says, the pattern is clear.

This time, Mr. Achuthan says, a host of leading and coincident indexes — those that suggest activity down the road, and those that measure current movements —are all pointing strongly toward recession.

The institute’s U.S. Leading Diffusion Index, for example, has dipped into territory that, with only one exception, would have signaled the recessions of the last 60 years. The single exception was in a short-lived downturn in 1966-7.

In addition, its U.S. Coincident Index has moved into territory that would have signaled recessions over those six decades, with three exceptions. Those were dips in September 2005, after Hurricane Katrina; in March 1993, after a huge storm on the east coast of North America, and in July 1952, after a steel strike. In none of those cases did the two indexes reach recession territory at the same time, as they have now, he says.

TAKEN as a whole, he says, these and other indicators are quite clear. “We’ve entered a vicious cycle, and it’s too late: a recession can’t be averted,” he says.

Unfortunately, this isn’t the end of the institute’s gloomy prognostications. What’s worse, he says, is that the business cycle appears to have become shorter than it was from the mid-80s until the start of the last recession, an era that has sometimes been called “the Great Moderation.”

For the foreseeable future, he says, “more frequent recessions are likely to be the norm.”

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Businesses Increase Investment Spending

The Commerce Department said Wednesday that orders for capital goods outside of the military sector and excluding aircraft, a closely watched proxy for business spending, increased 1.1 percent after falling 0.2 percent in July.

That was well above economists’ expectations for a 0.3 percent rise and suggested that businesses, sitting on about $2 trillion in cash, had not responded to the recent financial market volatility by curtailing investment.

“If we were in a recession we would expect to see business orders for capital goods plummeting and they are not,” said Richard DeKaser, an economist at the Parthenon Group in Boston.

The solid rise in investment spending, which was accompanied by a 2.8 percent rise in shipments of capital goods, prompted some economists to raise forecasts for third-quarter economic growth.

J.P. Morgan lifted its growth forecast for the economy to an annual rate of 1.5 percent from 1.0 percent, while the forecasting firm Macroeconomic Advisers raised their projection to 2.1 percent from 1.7 percent.

“While we don’t yet know the split between how much went to domestic versus foreign buyers, this almost certainly implies another solid quarter for capital equipment spending,” said Michael Feroli, an economist at J.P. Morgan in New York.

Extreme volatility in financial markets, as politicians in Washington fought over budget policy and Europe struggled to come to grips with its debt crisis, has knocked confidence and raised the risk of a new recession.

But businesses are showing some confidence in the recovery.

Although business spending plans point to continued growth, the report also confirmed a slowing trend in manufacturing.

Overall orders for durable goods — items meant to last three years or more, like toasters and aircraft — dipped 0.1 percent after a 4.1 percent jump in July.

The orders, which are volatile from month to month, dropped despite a 23.5 percent rise in orders for civilian aircraft.

Boeing received 127 orders for aircraft, according to the plane maker’s Web site, up from 115 in July, with Delta Airlines placing an order for 100 planes.

Excluding transportation, orders also slipped 0.1 percent after rising 0.7 percent in July.

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G.O.P. Urges No Further Fed Stimulus

The letter was sent in the midst of a two-day meeting in which Fed officials are widely expected to undertake policies to lower long-term interest rates. That move would be intended to loosen up credit in hopes of promoting growth. The meeting ends Wednesday, and the Fed is expected to release a statement Wednesday at 2:15 p.m.

“We have serious concerns that further intervention by the Federal Reserve could exacerbate current problems or further harm the U.S. economy,” said the letter, signed by four of the top Republicans in Congress: Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Senate Republican leader; Jon Kyl of Arizona, the Senate Republican whip; House Speaker John Boehner of Ohio and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor of Virginia.

The Fed’s chairman, Ben S. Bernanke, has not said further stimulus was in the works, but economists and analysts have repeatedly asserted that they believe the central bank will announce more easing.

“I just don’t think the Fed will sit idly as momentum fizzles in this recovery,” said Dana Saporta, a United States economist at Credit Suisse.

Minutes from the Fed’s latest meeting revealed sharp dissent within the group of policy makers, so further stimulus is not necessarily a sure bet.

As the Republican letter notes, economists are divided on how much the move would help the stalled recovery. The Fed, after all, has tried several rounds of monetary stimulus in the last four years.

Republican Congressional leaders expressed not only skepticism that further easing would improve the recovery, but also concerns that such actions might be damaging.

“Such steps may erode the already weakened U.S. dollar or promote more borrowing by overleveraged consumers,” the letter from Republicans said.

Many economists, however, are unconvinced by these risks and argue that a weakened dollar would be good for the country because it would make American exports more attractive.

With unemployment at 9.1 percent and Congress unable to agree on fiscal policies that might encourage job creation, many advisers have been calling on the Fed to continue using whatever ammunition it has left.

The Federal Reserve is an independent body whose decisions do not have to be ratified by the president or Congress, and efforts to influence monetary policy are discouraged to maintain its credibility.

“Even if I agreed” with the Republican letter, Tony Fratto, a former adviser to President George W. Bush, wrote in a Twitter post, “I’d still disagree with the effort to put public political pressure on Bernanke.”

Over the years, there have been many efforts by members of both parties, from both the White House and Congress, to influence Fed policies, according to Allan H. Meltzer, a political economy historian at Carnegie Mellon.

Less than a year ago Michele Bachmann, a Minnesota congresswoman who is running as a Republican presidential candidate, sent a letter to Mr. Bernanke urging him to refrain from the last round of stimulus, which the Fed ultimately decided to do.

In recent months other Republican presidential candidates have stepped up their attacks on Fed policy, with Rick Perry, the governor of Texas, calling further easing “treasonous.”

Fed critics have said they are merely trying to counter pressure from Democrats for the Fed to do more.

“This is the most politicized Fed we’ve ever had,” Mr. Meltzer said. “They’ve been doing the Treasury’s work for quite some time, buying things like Treasuries and bonds. It’s no surprise that there’s political pressure coming from the other direction.”

The Federal Reserve was meant to be independent so that it would be shielded from short-term political interests, and Fed officials have repeatedly said they are unmoved by external political pressures. A Fed spokeswoman acknowledged receiving the letter on Tuesday evening but she declined to comment further.

Appearing to cave to political interests — on the left or the right — could compromise the Fed’s authority and jolt markets even more than a popular or unpopular policy decision.

If anything, Federal Reserve members seem to be trying show their ability to exert their own influence. Traditionally, Fed officials have refrained from commenting on fiscal policy except in the vaguest of terms, but in an August speech Mr. Bernanke called on Congress to avoid steep spending cuts in the near future. He also gave specific recommendations for fiscal measures to promote long-term growth.

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