November 21, 2024

In Korea, Changes in Society and Family Dynamics Drive Rise in Elderly Suicides

Rather than quietly taking her life at home as many South Koreans do, the woman staged her death as a final act of public protest against a society she said had abandoned her. She drank pesticide overnight in front of her city hall after officials stopped her welfare checks, saying they were no longer obligated to support her now that her son-in-law had found work.

“How can you do this to me?” read the suicide note that the police said they had found in a purse next to her body. “A law should serve the people, but it didn’t protect me.”

The woman’s death is part of one of South Korea’s grimmest statistics: the number of people 65 and older committing suicide, which has nearly quadrupled in recent years, making the country’s rate of such deaths among the highest in the developed world. The epidemic is the counterpoint to the nation’s runaway economic success, which has worn away at the Confucian social contract that formed the bedrock of Korean culture for centuries.

That contract was built on the premise that parents would do almost anything to care for their children — in recent times, depleting their life savings to pay for a good education — and then would end their lives in their children’s care. No Social Security system was needed. Nursing homes were rare.

But as South Korea’s hard-charging younger generations joined an exodus from farms to cities in recent decades, or simply found themselves working harder in the hypercompetitive environment that helped drive the nation’s economic miracle, their parents were often left behind. Many elderly people now live out their final years poor, in rural areas with the melancholy feel of ghost towns.

Such social shifts are not uncommon in the industrialized world. But the sudden change has proved especially wrenching in South Korea, where parents view their sacrifices as the equivalent of a pension plan and where those who are suffering are falling victim to changes they themselves helped unleash as they rebuilt the economy from the devastation of the Korean War.

“The family was always an extended self,” said Park Ji-young, a professor of social welfare at Sangji University in Wonju. “Children were everything they had for their future — for health care, financial support and a comfortable life in old age. Their children’s success was their success.”

Making matters harder for the elderly, the government has been caught by surprise by the quick erosion of the traditional family structure.

The government began building a public pension system in 1988, but people say that in most cases the payments barely cover basic living costs, and many of the oldest South Koreans are not covered because they were past working age when the system was created. A government report in 2011 said that only 4 of every 10 people over 65 had a public or private pension or retirement savings.

And as the woman who poisoned herself in August discovered, the law denies welfare to people whose children are deemed capable of supporting them. That leaves some parents the humiliating choice of asking for help from their children or their government, which can grant exemptions if they can prove their children are unwilling or unable to help. In a country that puts great value on retaining face, experts on the elderly say that is a painful choice. Professor Park said some kill themselves because they feel betrayed; others are driven by a fear of harming their family’s chances of getting ahead.

They are succeeding at alarming rates; the suicides among people 65 or older ballooned to 4,378 in 2010, from 1,161 in 2000. The number of suicides among other adults and teenagers also surged, though those deaths are generally attributed to the stress of living in a highly competitive society rather than the changes in the family structure that are driving the elderly to despair.

Until the country’s rapid-fire industrialization in the late 1900s, South Korean life followed a well-trod path. Parents lived with their eldest son’s family — parents without a son often adopted one from a relative, which also continued the male lineage of the family — and sacrifices were rewarded. Historically, towns would erect monuments to their “filial children,” and some rural towns still award prizes, like televisions or cash, to solicitous adult children.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/17/world/asia/in-korea-changes-in-society-and-family-dynamics-drive-rise-in-elderly-suicides.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Economix Blog: Nancy Folbre: The Best Countries for Non-Mothers

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Nancy Folbre is an economics professor at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.

It’s so great to live in a country where women are allowed to drive! It would be so much fun to visit Iceland, where the prime minister is a woman who is cleaning up the financial mess!

Today’s Economist

Perspectives from expert contributors.

The recently released Newsweek/Daily Beast list of the top-ranked countries for women shows the United States in the respectable, though certainly not superlative, eighth position.

Good to celebrate. But before getting too chipper, consider the methodology used to rank 165 countries on “expansive rights and quality of life.” It assesses women’s economic success in terms of their ability to emulate men’s traditional gender roles, with no consideration of support for raising children or caring for other dependent family members.

The economics domain, one of five quantitative clusters used to construct the index, includes four components:

¶ Whether women can work in all industries
¶ Percentage of women in the labor force
¶ Women’s wages as a percentage of men’s
¶ Ability of women to rise to positions of enterprise leadership

These measures are especially important for assessing women’s earnings, but they say little about family income or vulnerability to poverty.

Single women without children rely largely on their own earnings. But the economic well-being of mothers is heavily influenced by assistance (both financial and direct) from fathers and by publicly provided family allowances or tax subsidies for child rearing. Further, mothers’ ability to find and keep decent jobs is shaped by public policies such as paid family leaves from work.

As I pointed out in a previous post about best-country-for-women rankings, it’s easier to measure rights and achievements than obligations and commitments. Still, there’s plenty of international data available on percentages of families maintained by mothers alone, mothers living in poverty and differences in support for employed parents.

Jody Heymann, founding director of the Institute for Health and Social Policy at McGill University, offers an excellent overview of policy issues in her book “Forgotten Families.”

Public support for family care, particularly generous in Nordic countries, tends to improve women’s ability to combine paid and unpaid work, explaining why Iceland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark and Finland are each ranked higher than the United States on the Newsweek/Daily Beast list.

But the rankings would change considerably if policies relevant to mothers were factored in. For instance, consideration of early childhood education and paid leaves from work would move France up from its 12th position on the list and move the United States way down.

The underlying problem is that most journalists, like most economists, define work as a paid activity and consider family care a form of leisure – a lifestyle choice.

But consider what happens when caregivers reduce their supply of unpaid labor and we must purchase substitutes for the services they provide. Our cost of living goes up.

Our future economic prospects also go down. Family care has huge consequences for the composition and capabilities of our national labor force, as well as the quality of our daily lives.

Family care requires money as well as time, and high unemployment rates in this country have hit young mothers particularly hard. More than 40 percent of households headed by women now live in poverty. Among children, poverty rates have reached 22 percent.

Reduced public commitments to safety net programs such as Temporary Assistance to Needy Families have increased economic vulnerability. The share of single mothers who have become “disconnected,” reporting no income and no welfare assistance, increased to one in five in 2009 from one in eight in 1996.

A recent Urban Institute report estimates that more than 10 percent of mothers living in poverty are experiencing severe depression, posing risks to the healthy development of their infants or toddlers.

Just how much would it cheer these mothers up to learn that a woman holds a position of enterprise leadership at Newsweek/The Daily Beast?

Next time you see a ranking of countries best for women, ask which women, exactly, are being ranked.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=ab824e668cf77a2fd377b37377b42700