November 15, 2024

High & Low Finance: Portent of Peril for Muni Bondholders

Large municipal bond disasters have been rare, but I suspect there will be more. The Jefferson County bankruptcy may serve as a precedent for forcing bondholders to take losses in bankruptcy. Despite lots of legal protections, loans to municipal governments can be just like loans to people and companies: if the borrower truly can’t afford to pay what was promised, it won’t be paid.

Jefferson County’s problems involve corrupt politicians and bad luck, but they also include a longstanding reluctance to face facts about the county’s sewer system — and a bond market that failed to face the facts about the county and kept lending money long after it was prudent to do so.

The corruption involved was breathtaking. More than 20 people, including politicians, contractors and influence peddlers, have been convicted. JPMorgan escaped criminal charges, but the Securities and Exchange Commission penalized it for paying bribes through local middlemen.

That corruption was important and no doubt raised the financing costs for the county. But the basic financial decisions about the structure of the county’s debt were different only in scale from what many other municipalities did.

The disaster provides an example of how derivative securities can be oversold. Not all risks can be hedged, and certainly not at acceptable costs, but that is something Wall Street salesmen tend to overlook when they make their pitches. When such contracts are written, you can be sure that the Wall Street firm will make sure it will come out O.K., even if that increases the risk that the customer will not.

The county’s sewer debt used to be long-term, fixed-rate debt. The county would have been better off if that had not changed. But Wall Street persuaded it, and a lot of other municipalities, that such debt was too costly. The county could save some money by issuing what the salesmen called synthetic fixed-rate debt.

And what is that? The county issued long-term variable-rate debt, where the interest payments would fluctuate based on short-term market rates. Just doing that would have left the county at risk if interest rates surged, so JPMorgan also entered into an interest rate swap. That provided that the county would pay a long-term rate to JPMorgan, which would pay a short-term rate to the county.

The net cost of that was a little lower than the cost of fixed-rate debt would have been.

There was an important catch: the swap payments were not based on what the county actually had to pay. They were based instead on indexes that might, or might not, move in the same way that rates moved on the county’s actual debt. It was not really “fixed rate,” the title notwithstanding.

Another risk, probably never considered, was that the monoline insurance companies, which routinely guaranteed munis for a fee, would collapse.

Those risks were not necessarily large, and if Jefferson County had not structured 90 percent of its debt that way — rather than the 10 or 20 percent some advisers recommend — they might not have become crucial. But in the credit crisis, a lot happened that had not been expected.

Jefferson County issued two types of variable-rate debt, both of which blew up.

The largest was auction-rate debt. That debt paid rates that were set every week at auctions. The risk to investors was that an auction could fail and they would be stuck with the bonds. If that happened, the county would pay a penalty rate, often twice the London Interbank Offered Rate, known as Libor.

When auctions began to fail, that penalty rate was not enough to attract investors, but it was high enough to raise the financing costs for the county significantly. The interest rate swap did not protect it because it was based on an index, not on the actual cost the county was paying. Suddenly the “fixed rate” went up.

Floyd Norris comments on finance and the economy at nytimes.com/economix.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/07/business/bankruptcy-in-alabama-county-offers-warning-for-other-municipalities.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Dodd-Frank Act Is a Target on G.O.P. Campaign Trail

That has not stopped Republican presidential candidates from using the Dodd-Frank Act, the sprawling regulatory effort to address the causes of the financial crisis, as their newest anti-Obama target for what ails the economy.

Republicans have repeatedly invoked the law’s 848-page girth — and its rules on, among other things, trading derivatives and swaps — as a symbol of government overreach that is killing jobs.

But in trying to turn Dodd-Frank into the new “Obamacare,” the disparaging term that opponents use to refer to the new health care law, Republicans are largely ignoring the basic trade-off that the financial law represents, supporters say.

“Dodd-Frank is adding safety margins to the banking system,” said Douglas J. Elliott, an economic studies fellow at the Brookings Institution. “That may mean somewhat fewer jobs in normal years, in exchange for the benefit of avoiding something like what we just went through in the financial crisis, which was an immense job killer.”

So far, only a small portion of the law, which was signed by the president in July 2010, has taken hold. Of the up to 400 regulations called for in the act, only about a quarter have even been written, much less approved.

Dodd-Frank aims to rein in abusive lending practices and high-risk bets on complex derivative securities that nearly drove the banking system off a cliff. It creates a bureau to protect consumers from financial fraud, cuts fees banks charge for debit-card use, and sets up a means for the government to better supervise the nation’s largest financial institutions to avoid expensive and catastrophic failures. And it calls for swap execution facilities, or exchanges on which derivatives and other complex financial instruments are traded.

Republicans say Dodd-Frank is the root of some of today’s economic problems. It has stopped banks from lending to “job creators,” they contend, and is a direct cause of high unemployment. “It created such uncertainty that the bankers, instead of making loans, pulled back,” said Mitt Romney, the former Massachusetts governor, speaking at a South Carolina rally over Labor Day weekend where he again called for the law’s repeal.

“I think part of that flows from the fact that the people who were putting that together, Dodd and Frank,” he continued, referring to Democratic lawmakers former Senator Christopher J. Dodd of Connecticut and Representative Barney Frank of Massachusetts, “as much as anyone I know in this country were responsible for the meltdown that we had.” 

Mr. Frank demurs.  “Their claims are literally based on nothing but misconception,” he said. “The legislation is very popular. Nobody wants to go back to totally unregulated derivatives. Nobody wants banks to go back to making loans without having to retain some of them. This is a debate that is being conducted for the right wing.”

Rick Perry, the governor of Texas, has also called for the repeal of Dodd-Frank. “We have to end it right now,” he said, on the same weekend in the same state as Mr. Romney. Newt Gingrich said it is “a devastatingly bad bill” that is “killing small banks, killing small business, killing the housing industry.”  Representative Michele Bachmann regularly reminds voters that she introduced the first Dodd-Frank repeal bill this year.

Former Gov. Jon Huntsman of Utah agrees, but he wouldn’t stop there. He would also eliminate the Sarbanes-Oxley law passed in 2002, which set standards for corporate accountability in the wake of the Enron scandal.

The candidates could find that there are some political dangers to their deregulation strategy, as Republicans in Congress learned last year during the debate over the legislation. Then, opponents of measures to address the causes of the financial crisis found themselves rather easily painted as defenders of Wall Street financiers and the banking industry, rather than being on the side of borrowers and consumers. Mr. Obama has signaled recently that in the 2012 campaign he plans to portray Republicans as defending corporations and the wealthy.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=eb4d6f910b07d210bd8811b2e846f106