November 22, 2024

You’re the Boss Blog: A Banker Explains Why Small Businesses Have Trouble Getting Credit

The Agenda

How small-business issues are shaping politics and policy.

After a recent post about the bad news embedded in the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation’s second-quarter good news — business lending broadly was up for the first time in three years, but small-business lending continued to fall — The Agenda heard from a representative of Sterling National Bank, a small institution based in New York City that lends exclusively to small and medium-sized businesses. Contrary to what I had reported, loans were way up at Sterling, the representative said. Did I want to find out why?

I did. But what I learned was not as clear-cut as my correspondent had suggested.

Sterling, as the president, John Millman, tells it, was established in 1929 — “a very difficult year” — by a handful of businessmen who felt that the city’s small and mid-size companies “were under-served by larger banks in the marketplace.” (Among the founders was an owner of Arnold, Constable Company, the famed New York department store of the time.) The bank, Mr. Millman said, makes no consumer loans but offers businesses — today’s clients are mostly professional services — an unusual range of products for a community bank, including asset-based lending, factoring, trade financing, and until recently leasing.

While the banking industry increased total business lending by less than 3 percent in the second quarter, Sterling bolstered its own by nearly 10 percent. “Most banks have not been seeing growth in the loan portfolio, and they are saying that they’re not seeing loan demand,” Mr. Millman said. Sterling claimed to see a different picture. For one thing, the bank’s existing clients were starting to bite off a little bit more of their available credit line, he said. “But the very big area for growth for us are new relationships. Many traditional lenders to what we call small and mid-size companies have either lost interest for various reasons in the marketplace or they have merged up into much larger institutions and they can’t focus on that particular sector.

“We have been able to pick up many really significant client relationships the last several quarters, and they come to us largely from banking relationships that they’re unhappy with.”

Sterling has received some press coverage about the growth in its small-business lending. And that’s fair enough. But the key phrase here may be Mr. Millman’s qualification, what we call small and mid-size companies. For Sterling, those are companies with revenues that start at $4 or $5 million and reach as high as $100 million and who borrow as much as $20 million. In the category of what the F.D.I.C. calls small-business loans — financing of $1 million or less — Sterling’s portfolio actually dropped 3 percent, a steeper decline than in the banking industry as a whole.

In fact, since 2003, when the F.D.I.C. began collecting small-business loan figures, the small-business share of total commercial and industrial lending at Sterling has fallen, from 26 percent to 19 percent. At the nation’s biggest bank, by assets, JPMorgan Chase Bank, the small-business loan portfolio constitutes a slightly larger share of total business lending than at Sterling.

Mr. Millman acknowledged that Sterling now makes fewer small-business loans (or perhaps business loans that are small), “but that had never been a significant part of our lending,” he said. “Our core strategy is to work with larger, more established companies that borrow up to $20 million. While we did some very small business lending, we have determined that it makes much more economic sense to us and to our shareholders to focus our resources into larger relationships.

“You can even do the arithmetic,” he continued. “The resources required to make a $10 million loan are not a lot different than the resources required to underwrite, administer, and make a $1 million loan. If you’re trying to grow your loan portfolio by 10 percent, and you have over a billion-dollar loan portfolio, you’re going to make a lot of $400,000 loans and you’re not going to get there. But if you’re making $20 and $25 million loans, you’re more likely to get the loan growth. And that’s the strategy we have employed.”

We have heard others say that big banks have difficulty making small loans — though it’s rare to hear a banker acknowledge it. But Sterling is hardly a big bank — with about $2.5 billion in assets, it ranks 283rd. It is almost an axiom of banking that big banks are interested in transactions and use computer credit models to underwrite their small loans, while small banks are interested in borrower relationships and underwrite their loans manually. Mr. Millman, though, seemed to say that only the smallest banks would be able to treat the smallest businesses like people, rather than numbers. “It’s pretty hard for a bank that’s bigger than ours, I would think, to make lots of $500,000 loans and to say it’s a relationship business,” he said. “I don’t see how you can have a relationship with that many units.”

I asked Mr. Millman why he had wanted to talk to me, given that Sterling’s experience wasn’t exactly a counter-example to the broader trend I reported on. “We’re a $2.5 billion bank in the biggest banking market in the world, and folks at
The New York Times don’t normally focus on community banks in a market that’s this big,” he said. “And to us it’s important to speak to as many people as we can to let them know about what we’ve been doing the last 80 years and who we are.”

Where would he recommend people who want $1 million loan go to get one, I asked. Sterling National Bank, he answered: “The experience will be much better at an institution like ours at that dollar level than at any other institution I can think about.”

But when asked where borrowers seeking smaller loans — $500,000, say — might go, Mr. Millman had no similar advice. “I honestly don’t know the answer to that,” he said.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=87207ee4245a924acdefd39dafc641f8

Banks Shut in Illinois and Colorado

The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation seized First Chicago Bank and Trust in Chicago, Colorado Capital Bank in Castle Rock, Colo., and Signature Bank in Windsor, Colo.

Northbrook Bank and Trust, based in Northbrook, Ill., agreed to assume the deposits and most of the assets of First Chicago, which had about $959.3 million in assets and $887.5 million in deposits.

First Citizens Bank and Trust, based in Raleigh, N.C., assumed all the deposits and essentially all the assets of Colorado Capital, which had $717.5 million in assets and $672.8 million in deposits.

Points West Community Bank, based in Julesburg, Colo., agreed to assume Signature Bank’s $64.5 million in deposits and essentially all of its $66.7 million in assets.

Four banks have failed in Colorado this year. First Chicago is the fifth lender to collapse this year in Illinois.

In 2010, regulators seized 157 banks.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=9d47c70dec17163f2728e9c67c728112

F.D.I.C. Rule Puts at Risk 2 Years of Executives’ Pay

The provision is part of a broader Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation rule laying out the order in which creditors will be paid during a government liquidation of a large, failing financial firm.

The Dodd-Frank financial oversight law gives financial agencies the power to recoup executives’ pay, but bankers were complaining that regulators were taking it too far.

The F.D.I.C.’s final rule provided some relief by clarifying “negligence” as the standard. The agency was careful to point out that it was not using the more narrow standard of “gross negligence.”

John Walsh, the acting comptroller of the currency, who had raised concerns about the standard being too broad, said he was pleased with the changes.

“I was concerned that it seemed to focus more on job titles than the actual actions that people had taken,” he said.

The liquidation authority is a major part of the Dodd-Frank law. The idea is to preserve economic stability by unwinding troubled firms, but in a way that is less politically explosive than taxpayer-financed bailouts and less traumatic to the markets than bankruptcies like the Lehman Brothers collapse of 2008.

At the top of the list of what will be paid off first under the new resolution system are any debts the F.D.I.C. or receiver took on as part of the cost of seizing a firm, administrative expenses, money owed to the Treasury and money owed to employees for things like retirement benefits.

Further down the list are general creditors.

Banks and financial services companies have complained that the framework gives the F.D.I.C. too much latitude to treat some creditors differently. F.D.I.C. leaders played down these concerns again on Wednesday, saying their rules were based as much as possible on the bankruptcy code.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=11c474ca70194a37537615435547033f

DealBook: The F.D.I.C.’s Lehman Fantasy

I was in Paris at an international insolvency conference when the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation came out with a paper on how it would have resolved Lehman Brothers under the new resolution authority in the Dodd-Frank Act.

The response was uniform disbelief: “Ninety-seven percent to the unsecureds? Give me a break.”

And I was equally skeptical, for a return to unsecured creditors that high would be rare even in a nonfinancial Chapter 11 case. And for a failed investment bank, with large holdings of subprime mortgage backed securities, going into an insolvency process during a financial crisis, it seemed to strain credulity.

So upon my return, I spent some time carefully reading, and rereading, the F.D.I.C.’s 19-page document.

Some of the report suggests the F.D.I.C. would have achieved exactly what was achieved in the Chapter 11 case – a quick sale to Barclays – and some of the report seems to rest on pure fantasy. The last bit helps a lot if you want to pay creditors back in full.

And some of the report does highlight real differences between Chapter 11 and the Dodd-Frank resolution authority. But the report does not explain why those differences need persist or consider whether they are really as desirable as the report implies.

Of course, the F.D.I.C. might have no real interest in saying that we could achieve the same result under some modified version of the Bankruptcy Code. The “specialness” of financial institutions is better preserved by pretending the code will be as it always has been.

For example, the F.D.I.C. never really explains why derivatives are treated differently under Dodd-Frank than under Chapter 11. Indeed, the agency seems to justify the special treatment of derivatives in all cases where it causes problems for somebody other than the F.D.I.C.

Similarly, the report makes much of the high professional fees in Lehman, which come out of the bankruptcy estate, compared with an F.D.I.C.-run resolution process, where there presumably would be no such charges. But that facile comparison ignores the simple truth that Chapter 11 cases are self-funding, while the government subsidizes the F.D.I.C. Just because the agency would not charge the estate does not make the process free. Moreover, the true cost is the net cost after considering returns to creditors. If the F.D.I.C. returns substantially less to creditors, it may not really matter that they cost less.

But let’s address the ways in which the report simply restates what happened already in the Chapter 11 case. Many bankruptcy professionals who take the time to read the full report are apt to come away more than a bit annoyed.

The F.D.I.C. would have you believe that it is somehow a unique feature of the new resolution authority that losses are imposed on shareholders and assets are quickly transferred to a new buyer, with new money financing facilitating the whole thing. That sounds a lot like what happens in every big Chapter 11 case.

Indeed, the bits of the report that talk about how the Dodd-Frank resolution authority helps to facilitate the sale of a distressed firm’s “good” assets while allowing for the liquidation of the “bad” assets leaves one wondering if the F.D.I.C. has heard of the General Motors bankruptcy case. Or the Lehman bankruptcy case.

One major difference in the report is that the F.D.I.C. assumes that Barclays would have taken much of more of Lehman than it did. Here we are starting to get into the realm of wishful thinking.

For example, the report assumes that Barclays would have taken Lehman’s entire derivatives business. This is not based on any special provision of Dodd-Frank, but rather the idea that if counterparties knew they had a new, solvent counterparty (Barclays), they would not have any incentive to exercise their right to terminate.

If Barclays had said on Day One of the Chapter 11 cases that it was going to take Lehman’s derivatives business, you could have achieved the same result. But Barclays did not do this, and one has to wonder if it simply did not want Lehman’s derivative business. The F.D.I.C. never really explains how it might get Barclays to buy more of Lehman than it did.

Indeed, much of the F.D.I.C.’s analysis ultimately turns on the belief that “next time will be different.” Particularly, both the regulators and the management of Lehman would plan for Lehman’s insolvency in a way that did not happen in 2008.

Why this would be so is often a bit vague, based on little more than conclusory sentences like:

Lehman’s senior management and board may have been more willing to recommend offers that were below the then-current market price if they knew with certainty that there would be no extraordinary government assistance made available to the company and that Lehman would be put into receivership.

Basically, they’d know that federal regulators are not fooling around this time, because Dodd-Frank says so. But if management was deluded before, shouldn’t we assume they would be deluded again? And if the board failed to live up to its duties by planning for even the possibility of a Chapter 11 filing, why assume it would not make a similar failure in the F.D.I.C.’s alternative reality?

Yes, Dodd-Frank makes it harder to bail out a financial institution. But “harder” does not mean “impossible,” and that’s just the kind of thing that can fuel a lot of terminal optimism by managers of companies in financial distress.

And all this presumed regulatory involvement could have happened in 2008, too. It would not have been the F.D.I.C, but the Securities and Exchange Commission, as regulator of Lehman’s broker-dealer operation, or the Federal Reserve or the Treasury Department, as general overseers of the financial system, could have made some inquiries into Lehman’s planning for the worst-case scenario at some point before Sept. 14, 2008. Indeed, as the F.D.I.C. report notes, the New York Fed and the S.E.C. had been on site at Lehman from March 2008.

And let’s not forget that even if the F.D.I.C. had authority over Lehman at that time, it just might have been a bit distracted by Washington Mutual, Wachovia, Citigroup and the other troubled banks that were its normal focus.

More generally, given all that we’ve been through in the last few years, it seems more than a little odd that regulatory competence should be taken for granted.

And then there is the matter of the 97 percent return to unsecured creditors. How does F.D.I.C. come up with that figure? Well, first we must assume that the only Lehman assets that lose any value in the fall of 2008 are the $50 billion to $70 billion of “suspect” assets.

Everything else remains stable during and despite the resolution, and the suspect assets decline by $40 billion. These suspect assets are ones that several other financial institutions refused to touch – not simply refused to buy at par value, but rather refused to buy at all.

Then Barclays pays 100 percent for Lehman’s assets, apparently despite there being no competing bidder.

So, you see, if you assume very stable asset values during a financial crisis and a buyer that is quite generous, it is quite easy to get to a very high recovery for creditors. Unfortunately, Weil and Alvarez have to deal with a somewhat different reality.

Once a financial firm has become in need of resolution, there has already been a failure of regulation. Why the same regulators should be in charge of cleaning up the mess is something that continues to puzzle me. Certainly they deserve a say, and the special nature of financial institutions will often call for special solutions, but count me among those who remain unconvinced by the very “in house” solution adopted by Dodd-Frank.


Stephen J. Lubben is the Daniel J. Moore Professor of Law at Seton Hall Law School and an expert on bankruptcy.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=400740607f8f5336e9f481bcdb4f71cd