November 23, 2024

Needed at Microsoft: A Catch-Up Artist

About an hour into the conversation, someone asked about Microsoft. The company seemed to be treading water, the mantle of high-tech leadership had passed to Apple and Google, and investors were impatient with Microsoft’s stagnant stock price. The question: Would Mr. Gates, the Microsoft chairman, consider going back to run the company?

That question comes to mind again, after Microsoft announced on Friday that Steven A. Ballmer, the chief executive, would step down within a year.

The prospect of Mr. Gates’s riding to the rescue at Microsoft is intriguing but highly unlikely. Steven P. Jobs, the other celebrity entrepreneur of the early personal computer era, returned to Apple in 1997 and remade it. But in June, Mr. Gates brushed aside any suggestion that he would again lead Microsoft. The messiah option, he insisted, was not on the table. He had moved on, he said.

Mr. Gates stepped down as C.E.O. in 2000 after a bruising courtroom battle with the Justice Department. A federal court ruled that Microsoft had repeatedly violated the nation’s antitrust laws.

“Gates felt he was being penalized for success,” says Michael A. Cusumano, a professor at the Sloan School of Management at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “He left at a critical time, when Microsoft was facing new challenges, and he didn’t really look back.”

Mr. Ballmer was Mr. Gates’s old friend and chosen successor, but there is no obvious successor to Mr. Ballmer. One thing is clear: “Being the next chief executive of Microsoft isn’t going to be an easy task for anyone,” Mr. Cusumano says.

Mr. Cusumano is the co-author of two books about the company, “Microsoft Secrets” and “Competing on Internet Time,” which chronicled Microsoft’s assault on the commercial pioneer in Internet browsers, Netscape.

Mr. Cusumano and his co-author on the Microsoft-Netscape book, David B. Yoffie, a professor at the Harvard Business School, are now writing a book that examines the strategy and leadership lessons to be learned from three technology executives, Mr. Gates, Mr. Jobs and Andrew S. Grove, former chief executive of Intel.

There are examples for Microsoft to follow: a onetime technology leader has experienced a revival each decade since the 1980s. Back then, Intel was staggering under the Japanese challenge in the memory chip market. I.B.M. stepped in to make a 20 percent investment because Intel was a valued supplier, and the help gave the chip maker some financial breathing room. Intel then made the leap into microprocessors, the brainy chips that power personal computers.

In the 1990s, I.B.M. almost went under as the profits from its mainframe business were gutted by competition from low-cost PC-style computing. But I.B.M. retooled its mainframe business and moved into higher-margin software and services businesses.

In the 2000s, it was Apple’s turn. Under Mr. Jobs, the company first stabilized its desktop computer business with some nifty designs. Then Apple went on to transform the digital music business and smartphones, with the iPod, the iTunes store and the iPhone. And the iPad created the modern tablet market.

Can Microsoft pull off a similar revival act in this decade?

Microsoft is different from the other three companies in one important respect. It is facing a crisis of technology leadership, but not a financial crisis. Microsoft’s Windows operating systems and Office productivity software remain immensely profitable. By contrast, Intel, I.B.M. and Apple were fighting for survival. In each case, it was clear that drastic action was needed — and it was taken, successfully.

Microsoft’s seeming strength, according to George F. Colony, the chief executive of Forrester Research, has proved a weakness.

“I would argue Microsoft does have a financial problem, and it’s been the fear of losing those massive profits from Windows and Office,” Mr. Colony says. “By doing everything it can to try to protect those profits, Microsoft has taken a defensive position for more than a decade. And in technology, if you play defense you’re going to lose.”

Still, thanks to the success of its mainstay businesses, Microsoft has been able to afford multibillion-dollar investments in newer fields like Internet search, digital media players, smartphone software and, recently, tablets.

The problem for Microsoft has been that it has often been forced to make those investments while playing catch-up. In the search and smartphone markets, all the snowballing effects of leadership, brand recognition and consumer habits that helped Microsoft in the PC market are working against it as it tries to catch Google and Apple.

Past success can obscure new opportunities when emerging markets or technologies don’t operate by the same rules as a company’s tried-and-true products. And Microsoft has suffered from that kind of corporate myopia. In an interview with me in 2007, Mr. Ballmer acknowledged the problem.

“One of the biggest mistakes I’ve made over time is not wanting to nurture innovations where I either didn’t get the business model or we didn’t have it,” he said.

In his memo to Microsoft employees on Friday, Mr. Ballmer pointed to the challenge ahead for the company. At 57, he has decided to make way for a successor who can guide “our transformation to a devices and services company.”

No mention of software as such. But a big part of the job for Mr. Ballmer’s successor will be re-engineering Windows and Office for delivery over the Internet onto all kinds of devices including smartphones and tablets, according to Mr. Yoffie of the Harvard Business School.

Even if that is successful, the profit margins of the PC days will probably never return, especially when competing against free and low-cost alternatives, like Google’s Android operating system and Google Docs.

“But unless Microsoft makes that transition with its core products,” Mr. Yoffie says, “the company is in danger of heading into the kind of crisis it is trying to avoid.”

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/25/technology/needed-at-microsoft-a-catch-up-artist.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

U.S. Endorses France’s Lagarde as New I.M.F. Chief

Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner had announced earlier Tuesday that the United States would back Ms. Lagarde, France’s influential finance minister, over the Mexican central bank governor, Agustín Carstens, her only competitor for the job, a move that all but sealed her victory.

“Minister Lagarde’s exceptional talent and broad experience will provide invaluable leadership for this indispensable institution at a critical time for the global economy,” Mr. Geithner said in his statement. “We are encouraged by the broad support she has secured among the Fund’s membership, including from the emerging economies.

The I.M.F. executive board met Tuesday in Washington to decide between Ms. Lagarde and Mr. Carstens. But having secured the backing of China, most countries in Europe and then the United States — which holds the largest number of votes at the fund — Ms. Lagarde’s appointment for a five-year term was effectively a foregone conclusion.

Ms. Lagarde will be taking over at a delicate time, following the resignation last month of Dominique Strauss-Kahn after his indictment on charges of the attempted rape of a hotel maid in New York.

As the finance minister of one of Europe’s most powerful economies, she has been at the forefront of efforts to contain the European debt crisis, which has led Greece, then Ireland and Portugal, to seek bailouts to help them pay their huge sovereign debts.

But a year after Greece secured a €110 billion, or $140 billion, rescue package from the I.M.F., the European Union and the European Central Bank, the country’s debt problems have now re-emerged with a vengeance.

Financial markets have see-sawed in recent weeks as the Greek government was buffeted by widespread social unrest stemming in part from the I.M.F.’s demands for greater austerity measures as a condition of releasing more aid. The Greek Parliament is to vote on the measures Wednesday.

Although emerging markets fought to claim the I.M.F. leadership from Europe, which has produced every managing director since the fund’s inception more than 40 years ago, Ms. Lagarde received substantial backing from Europe, the United States and China. Her key argument was that only another European could continue the I.M.F.’s leadership in managing Europe’s deepening debt crisis.

Yet Ms. Lagarde also came under fire from critics who say she and other top European policy makers mishandled the crisis from the beginning and are now having to scramble to clean up problems of their own making.

“For the I.M.F. to be devoting so much financial and human capital to try to combat a problem in Europe which is largely political in origin and can only be solved by political agreement is controversial,” said Simon Tilford, the chief economist of the Center for European Reform in London. “It threatens the I.M.F.’s credibility.”

What is more, French banks have the largest exposure of any in Europe to Greece, having loaded up on sovereign debt over the years, while Ms. Lagarde has been a major player in negotiating the bailout for Greece. She has adamantly opposed a full-blown debt restructuring or any solution other than a voluntary restructuring by banks.

That has led some analysts to raise questions about whether her impartiality on the issue would be clouded as she leads the fund.

“There is a risk that her perceived objectivity will be brought into question because of this,” Mr. Tilford said. On the other hand, “it’s possible she will come to believe debt restructuring could be in France’s interest, and that kicking the can down the road could ultimately cost the French more than an earlier move to lance the boil.”

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/06/29/business/global/29fund.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Civic Group Says That Concessions Are Needed From the Construction Unions

A prominent civic group has joined builders and real estate executives in calling for major concessions from the unions that dominate the construction industry, saying cuts are needed to allow major projects to move forward.

The group, the Regional Plan Association, is supported by corporations, including some connected to real estate, and by planning groups in New York, New Jersey and Connecticut. It is a respected organization known more for advocacy on transportation issues and large public works than for taking sides in labor matters.

But the association has quietly circulated a 51-page report saying that the expiration of 30 union contracts in June presents a chance to reform the $25 billion unionized construction industry by eliminating what the report calls obsolete work rules and featherbedding; by adopting a standard eight-hour day for all building trades; and by reducing benefit packages.

Members of the association are scheduled to present the report, “Construction Labor Costs in New York City — A Moment of Opportunity,” to Deputy Mayors Stephen Goldsmith and Robert K. Steel on Monday.

“Given the wrenching changes in the real estate industry since the recession,” said Robert Yaro, the president of the Regional Plan Association, “a growing number of builders have found that they can no longer support high labor costs.”

“This is not about what union workers are paid,” he added. “It’s about work rules and productivity. Those are things that should be changed.”

The labor negotiations come at a critical time for the construction industry, as a growing number of buildings in the city are being constructed with cheaper, nonunion labor.

The Building Trades Employers’ Association, a group that represents contractors, has paid for subway advertisements and a Web site directly appealing to union members to agree to concessions, angering union leadership in the process.

This month, 400 union construction workers held a noisy protest outside the Taj Pierre Hotel as Sam Zell, founder of Equity Residential Properties, arrived for a speaking engagement. Mr. Zell’s company is building an apartment building at 500 West 23rd Street with nonunion labor.

The construction unions dismissed the report, saying its authors were antagonistic to labor unions. They were referring to Julia Vitullo-Martin and Hope Cohen, former associates of the conservative Manhattan Institute who now work at the Regional Plan Association and prepared the report.

“So individuals with longstanding right-wing, anti-worker associations and views want to blame labor for our economic problems,” said Paul Fernandes, a spokesman for Gary LaBarbera, president of the Building and Construction Trades Council, a union umbrella group.

“This draft report is rife with factual errors and omissions that reveal its underlying ideology,” he added.

“The only thing missing from this piece of garbage is the Koch brothers and the governor of Wisconsin.”

The once cordial relationship between Mr. LaBarbera, whose group represents about 100,000 workers, and Louis J. Coletti, president of the Building Trades Employers’ Association, has become strained. Mr. LaBarbera “won’t sit in the same room with Coletti,” said a union lawyer who insisted on anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the matter.

Real estate and construction executives said they were not trying to create a “Wisconsin,” referring to political efforts in Wisconsin and elsewhere to strip union workers of bargaining rights.

“This is about saving the industry,” Mr. Yaro said. “It is by no means an attack on the unions.”

The Real Estate Board of New York, a powerful lobbying group that represents most of the city’s residential and commercial developers, the contractors’ group and now the Regional Plan Association have conducted a campaign to enlist City Hall, in the hope that the mayor would use his influence on their behalf. But the Bloomberg administration has thus far seemed unwilling to insert itself into the labor dispute.

The association’s report says developers and owners, who absorbed the higher costs of union labor during the real estate boom, are now under pressure to cut costs because of lower rents and stringent financing terms.

But the report also says that leading developers and contractors are attached to union construction work, in part because “the best union labor continues to surpass nonunion in skills and productivity,” and because the jobs provide “a key channel of upward mobility for millions of Americans.”

The report describes as archaic various provisions that unions have succeeded in keeping around, in contracts that were also signed by employers.

These include the required presence of master mechanics and oilers for heavy equipment like cranes, which have become technologically advanced enough that the mechanics and oilers have very little work to do; and rules that say steamfitters, electricians and plumbers must always be around to monitor heat, electricity and water service, which the report likened to an apartment building having a full-time plumber rather than simply calling one when a leak occurs.

The report also called for eight-hour shifts to officially begin when a worker reaches his station, not when he arrives at the ground level, an issue in tall construction sites where many men are using a few hoists to get to the floors where they are working.

“To keep union firms competitive, the ongoing labor contract negotiations — and reformed work rule practices — must bring the union-nonunion differential closer to 10 percent from the current 20-30 percent,” the report says.

“If this does not happen, nonunion labor is likely to gain an ever-increasing share of the market, forcing union developers and contractors to accept open-shop arrangements or leave the construction business.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=b42598171670062799421a4c9aba798b