November 15, 2024

Economix Blog: Gauging the Strength of a European Firewall

WASHINGTON — The Obama administration has applauded the euro zone for moving to save its common currency and enforce fiscal discipline among its members. Yet the deal has done little to calm American concerns about an inadequate “firewall” — financing put up by European governments to ensure that all euro zone countries maintain access to the debt markets at sustainable interest rates.

Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany “has made some progress with other European leaders in trying to move towards a fiscal compact where everybody is playing by the same rules and nobody is acting irresponsibly,” President Obama said at a news conference on Thursday. “That’s all for the good, but there’s a short-term crisis that has to be resolved to make sure that markets have confidence that Europe stands behind the euro.”

A senior administration official echoed those comments on Friday, saying that Europe is making encouraging and significant steps toward a comprehensive plan — but still needs more money and stronger mechanisms to calm markets in the short term.

At the Brussels summit meeting, the 17 European Union countries that use the euro agreed to run only small deficits in the future, allowing central oversight of their national budgets. But they did considerably less to stop investors from pushing bond yields up to punishing levels in countries like Italy and Spain.

To deal with that immediate crisis, the European Union governments agreed to two things. First, they agreed to consider offering up to 200 billion euros in bilateral loans to the International Monetary Fund, with a final decision to be made within 10 days.

Second, they agreed to put a permanent 500-billion-euro bailout fund, called the European Stability Mechanism, or E.S.M., into place a year early. Rather than supplanting the current, temporary bailout fund, the European Financial Stability Facility, in 2013, the E.S.M. will run alongside it for one year starting in July 2012.

Those measures in and of themselves will not be enough to stop investors from shutting big euro zone countries out of the international debt markets. Nor will they wrench borrowing costs down. Thus, they are unlikely to cheer the Obama administration, which has repeatedly argued that European leaders need to address the sovereign-debt crisis plaguing countries across the Continent immediately, with overwhelming force, and using their own money.

“The deal will quiet markets for a while, but the situation will remain fluid and subject to numerous shocks,” says Uri Dadush, the director of the international economics program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “The deal is too heavily reliant on adjustment in the periphery, and not enough on help from the core and the rest of the world. The main thing missing from the deal is a real ‘bazooka.’”

The agreement does move forward the creation of the permanent bailout fund, and would seem to enhance the amount of money available to keep countries’ borrowing costs stable. But the Brussels compact actually caps the two funds’ total lending capacity at 500 billion euros. That is only 60 billion euros more than the current lending capacity of the temporary bailout fund, the European Financial Stability Facility. The plan does say European leaders will reassess the cap in March, though, and watchers say they may do so sooner.

American leaders have continually called for any bailout mechanisms to have significantly more financing, enough to deal with problems in big, heavily indebted countries like Italy. Speaking in Berlin on Tuesday, for instance, Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner called for a strengthened firewall to “provide the oxygen necessary for economic growth” and to keep interest rates manageable.

Nor is the I.M.F. measure seen in Washington as any sort of magic bullet for the short-term sovereign-debt crisis.

It is not clear whether the 200 billion euros will go to a special fund earmarked for Europe, or into the general I.M.F. funding pool. If it goes into the general pool, it would help with the fund’s liquidity. But it would not mean the fund would have enough money to help a big European sovereign — or two — if borrowing costs spiked. Italy alone has to roll over 360 billion euros in debt in 2012.

That said, the 200 billion euros are seen as an invitation for other countries — presumably cash-rich emerging-market nations — to add financing to the I.M.F. as well. In a statement, the European Council added the hopeful note, “We are looking forward to parallel contributions from the international community.” The I.M.F.’s managing director, Christine Lagarde, said in a statement, “I appreciate this demonstration of leadership from Europe, and I am hopeful that others will also do their part.”

A senior administration official indicated that the United States supported enhancing the I.M.F.’s liquidity, though the United States has ruled out contributing any more financing to the I.M.F. But the Obama administration argues that Europe must provide the great bulk of the financing for stabilizing its own countries’ borrowing costs.

It is a point they have made repeatedly. “Europe is wealthy enough that there’s no reason why they can’t solve this problem,” Mr. Obama said on Thursday. “It’s not as if we’re talking about some impoverished country that doesn’t have any resources. If they muster the political will, they have the capacity to settle markets down.”

The senior administration official did emphasize that the fiscal compact may make other changes to improve the situation in Europe easier, including opening the door for more action from the European Central Bank. The official also lauded a change to E.S.M. bylaws, striking a clause requiring insolvent countries to negotiate haircuts with their bondholders.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=624760d008b3f89bc58081ec67545497

Letter Bomb Sent to German Bank Chief, Officials Say

In a joint statement the state police in Hessen and the Frankfurt prosecutor’s office said that “initial investigations show that this was a functional letter bomb.” The letter was addressed personally to Mr. Ackermann.

Though a native Swiss, Mr. Ackermann is the most prominent banker in Germany, his name synonymous with an industry whose reputation has plummeted since the financial crisis.

A spokesman for the state police, Siegfried Wilhelm, said that a letter had been found in which responsibility was claimed by an Italian group called the Informal Anarchist Federation, which has a history of sending letter bombs. Unofficial suspicion had earlier fallen on the Frankfurt offshoot of the Occupy Wall Street movement, which condemned the attempted letter-bombing.

Threats on the lives of Deutsche Bank executives are not taken lightly here after the 1989 killing of Alfred Herrhausen, the bank’s chief at the time, in a bomb attack. Suspicions fell on the Red Army Faction terrorist group.

According to the statement by the police and prosecutors, employees in the Deutsche Bank mailroom discovered the envelope on Wednesday and, suspicious of its contents, had it X-rayed before contacting the police around midday. Klaus Thoma, a spokesman for the bank, said that employees had alerted the police to a suspicious package but that he would not comment further.

The Frankfurt police and specialists from the state police defused the letter bomb. Details on the construction of the bomb were not available for “investigative tactical reasons,” the statement said. Late last year, a package bomb addressed to Chancellor Angela Merkel was intercepted in her office’s mailroom in the midst of a wave of letter bombs in Greece aimed at foreign embassies that was eventually traced to Greek anarchists.

Mr. Ackermann is also chairman of the Institute of International Finance, an industry group that has lobbied against regulations that would require higher capital requirements to help prevent future crises. He was also involved in negotiations over write-downs of Greek debt, sometimes called haircuts, for private bond owners. Mrs. Merkel came under scrutiny in 2009 for hosting a dinner party the year before with Mr. Ackermann as a guest. The German news media described the event as a birthday party in Mr. Ackermann’s honor, raising questions about the cozy ties between finance and government.

Prosecutors also recently searched the executive offices of Deutsche Bank on suspicion that Mr. Ackermann and other executives gave false testimony in a long-running civil suit related to the 2002 bankruptcy of a German media company. Deutsche Bank has denied any wrongdoing. Mr. Ackermann has announced that he will step down from his post in 2012.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/09/world/europe/letter-bomb-sent-to-german-bank-chief.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Debt Crisis Bring Former Foes — Poland and Germany — Closer Than Ever

For all the damage wrought by the sovereign debt crisis in Europe, it has brought even greater harmony to the fraught and often bloody historical relationship between Poland and Germany. In the midst of discord, the former foes find themselves closer than ever, perhaps paving the way to a new axis of Paris, Berlin and Warsaw that could eventually form the core of a more deeply integrated Europe.

Poland is a crucial supporting player in the euro drama that is reaching a crossroads with the summit meeting Thursday and Friday in Brussels. It represents a scarce commodity — a growing economy with enthusiasm for European integration — and even plans to eventually join the euro zone.

“There is no Plan B for Poland other than Europe: stronger Europe, more active Europe, economically but also politically,” said Eugeniusz Smolar, a foreign policy expert at the Polish Institute of International Affairs in Warsaw.

Poland’s prime minister, Donald Tusk, supports Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany in her push for full treaty changes to mandate tighter budget rules and oversight, rather than a deal between the countries that use the euro. And in the wheeling and dealing behind the scenes to reach agreement in Brussels, Poland has several advantages.

It has close ties to former Soviet bloc countries as well as northern European countries like Sweden that do not use the euro. Poland occupies a special place as the leader among the nations that are not in the euro zone but have not officially opted out, and it has voluntarily joined the Euro Plus Pact to improve fiscal strength and competitiveness. It even stands to displace Britain’s waning influence, depending on how events turn.

Poland’s enthusiastic support for European integration stands in stark contrast to Britain’s constant demands for exceptions, carve-outs and caveats.

And Poland’s suffering at German and Russian hands, its history of invasion, partition and occupation, puts Polish leaders in a unique position to calm rising concerns of German dominance within Europe.

In an address last week in Berlin, Poland’s foreign minister, Radoslaw Sikorski, said that the greatest threat to Poland’s security was not Russian missiles or the Taliban and that “it’s certainly not German tanks.” Instead, Mr. Sikorski said, it was the collapse of the euro zone that offered the paramount danger to his country, and he said he demanded that Germany “as Europe’s indispensible nation” take responsibility and lead.

“I will probably be the first Polish foreign minister in history to say so, but here it is,” Mr. Sikorski said, in a line that has been quoted time and again since, in a speech that has government and foreign policy circles in Berlin still buzzing. “I fear German power less than I am beginning to fear German inactivity.”

Many Polish politicians said that Mr. Sikorski went too far in calling for a federal Europe, offering to give up their hard-won sovereignty. And few are clamoring to join the euro quickly, preferring to wait until some resolution to the present crisis has been found.

The greater concern among Poles is being left behind as countries integrate their economies more deeply. Mr. Tusk will be pushing for an agreement that involves all 27 members of the European Union, said Bartek Nowak, executive director of the Center for International Relations in Warsaw. Even if Germany and France lead the way to an agreement among the 17 European Union countries that use the euro, Poland may choose to participate.

“If the 17 decide to improve their economic governance, I think Poland will join voluntarily because Poland wants to join the euro zone,” Mr. Nowak said.

A senior German official told reporters in Berlin on Wednesday that Germany and France would move ahead with the 17 members of the euro zone rather than the 27 members of the European Union, if necessary, to enact reforms that would make fiscal discipline mandatory. But the official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, singled out Poland as an example of a country that had not yet adopted the euro but would be able to take part in the new system.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/09/world/europe/debt-crisis-bring-former-foes-poland-and-germany-closer-than-ever.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Britain Suffers as a Bystander to Europe’s Crisis

There is looming recognition at 10 Downing Street that if the euro falls, Britain will sink along with everyone else. But if Europe manages to pull itself together by forging closer unity among the 17 countries that use the euro, then Britain faces being ever more marginalized in decisions on the Continent.

Many Europeans have been irritated by British Conservatives’ quiet satisfaction throughout the crisis with the decision not to join the euro (the United Kingdom ostentatiously kept its currency, the pound), particularly when juxtaposed with the panic over Britain’s inability to have any significant impact on Europe’s biggest crisis since the end of the cold war.

“Germany is the unquestioned leader of Europe,” said Charles Grant, director of the Center for European Reform. “France is definitely subordinate to Germany, and Britain has less influence than at any time I can recall.”

Of particular concern here is the health of Britain’s financial industry, a vital economic engine at a time of slowing growth and deep cuts in government spending, which is seen to be vulnerable to new European regulations that could hurt British competitiveness in global markets.

Despite all that is at stake, Prime Minister David Cameron’s coalition government looks doomed to be cast in the role of impotent bystander, torn between anti-Europe forces and European leaders’ moves toward greater fiscal integration on the Continent — with or without Britain.

On Wednesday, Mr. Cameron told a fractious Parliament that his main goal in Brussels was to “seek safeguards for Britain” and “protect our own national interest” by resisting measures like a proposed financial transaction tax. But such Britain-centric rhetoric has annoyed the brokers of Europe’s future, Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany and President Nicolas Sarkozy of France, who are trying to find a way to save the euro while imposing legally binding fiscal discipline on the Continent’s floundering southern economies.

They have not been shy about expressing their frustration. Just six weeks ago, after Mr. Cameron tried to inject himself into talks about the euro, Mr. Sarkozy said bluntly, “You have lost a good opportunity to shut up.” He later added: “We are sick of you criticizing us and telling us what to do. You say you hate the euro and now you want to interfere in our meetings.”

Steven Fielding, director of the Center for British Politics at the University of Nottingham, said: “Cameron might sound off to look good to his backbenchers, but in Europe, he hasn’t got much to negotiate with. It’s been made clear that France and Germany can do whatever the hell they like and Britain can say yes or no, but it doesn’t matter, since they’ll do it anyway.”

The paradox of this is that plans for tighter integration among the 17 euro zone countries are at the same time destined to create greater divisions within Europe — divisions between countries that use the euro and those that do not, and divisions within the euro zone itself, depending on the health and importance of the various economies. A two-, three-, four- and even five-tier Europe could possibly emerge.

“The markets have defined who are the good guys and who are the bad guys, and their interest rates are in many ways the manifestation of this,” said Alexander Stubb, Finland’s minister for European affairs. “When we look at future E.U. rules, it is the triple-A countries that are running the show.”

The political price of Britain’s self-proclaimed exceptionalism was made clear with a vengeance to Mr. Cameron on Wednesday, when he was pounded from all sides in a raucous session in the House of Commons. Fractious Europe-hating Conservative backbenchers called for him to stand firm on Europe, to “show bulldog spirit,” in a “resolute and uncompromising defense of British national interests,” as one legislator, Andrew Rosindell, put it.

Trying to placate them, the prime minister pledged not to sign anything that did not contain “British safeguards.”

Sarah Lyall reported from London, and Stephen Castle from Brussels.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=d44afd029ea6c0e7d4790cc64b1bc24f

DealBook: Deutsche Bank’s Ackermann Won’t Take Chairman Role

Josef Ackermann, chief of Deutsche Bank.Hannelore Foerster/Bloomberg NewsJosef Ackermann, chief of Deutsche Bank.

FRANKFURT — Josef Ackermann unexpectedly canceled plans to assume the chairmanship of Deutsche Bank when he retires as chief executive in May, possibly heralding his departure from the public stage after a decade as one of the most powerful and controversial figures in European banking.

The surprise announcement Monday came on the same day as reports that Munich prosecutors had searched executive offices of Deutsche Bank on suspicion that Mr. Ackermann and other top executives had given false testimony in a long-running civil lawsuit. Deutsche Bank denied any wrongdoing. The timing of Mr. Ackermann’s announcement appeared to be a coincidence.

Paul Achleitner, chief financial officer of German insurer Allianz and also a figure of considerable stature in financial circles, will be nominated as chairman of the supervisory board at Deutsche Bank’s annual shareholders meeting, the bank said in a statement.

At Deutsche Bank and other German corporations, the supervisory board approves major decisions and appoints top executives, while the chief executive is in charge of day-to-day operations.

Mr. Ackermann, 63, became chief executive of Deutsche Bank in 2002, and oversaw a rise of the bank’s stature in global investment banking. He may be equally well known as a political operator. In recent months, he played a key role in negotiations to reduce Greece’s debt load and has been an informal adviser to Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany. Mr. Ackermann is president of the Institute of International Finance, an industry group that has tried to blunt the effect of new regulations designed to make banks less crisis-prone.

Deutsche Bank has struggled this year to settle on a leadership structure that would follow Mr. Ackermann’s departure as chief executive. In July, the bank’s supervisory board agreed to split chief executive duties between Anshu Jain, head of the investment bank, and Jürgen Fitschen, head of the German unit. As part of the compromise solution, Mr. Ackermann was supposed to become chief of the supervisory board, replacing Clemens Börsig, with whom he had an acrimonious relationship.

Mr. Ackermann said he decided not to seek the post of supervisory board chairman because he was too busy to campaign for the post, which would require him to win support of major shareholders.

‘‘The extremely challenging conditions on the international financial markets and in the political-regulatory environment demand my full attention as the chairman of the bank’s management board,’’ he said in a statement.

Mr. Achleitner, 55, worked more than a decade at Goldman Sachs, becoming a partner and head of the investment bank’s German unit, before joining Allianz as chief financial officer in 1999.

Though not quite as well known as Mr. Ackermann, Mr. Achleitner also has influence beyond his company duties and was involved in frantic efforts in late 2008 by U.S. authorities and investment bankers to prevent a financial meltdown following the collapse of Lehman Brothers.

Mr. Achleitner said in a statement that he would resign his post at Allianz if chosen as chairman of the Deutsche Bank supervisory board.

The search of Deutsche Bank offices was related to a long-running civil suit by Kirch Group, a media company that was once one of Germany’s largest broadcasters. Kirch Group accuses Mr. Ackermann’s predecessor, Rolf Breuer, of precipitating the company’s bankruptcy in 2002 by publicly questioning its creditworthiness.

German media reported that prosecutors were investigating whether Mr. Ackermann and several other executives had given false evidence in the suit.

Detlev Rahmsdorf, a Deutsche Bank spokesman, called the investigation ‘‘groundless and completely out of proportion.’’

Barbara Stockinger, a Munich prosecutor who serves as spokeswoman for the state’s attorneys office there, confirmed that investigators had searched the offices of a company in connection with a civil suit, but would not give the name of the company.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=5a758577d22e16943f75d02b394b8f56

Germany Lowers Expectations for E.U. Summit

The comments by German officials suggested that governments still face formidable obstacles in forming a plan to strengthen European banks, increase the firepower of the E.U. bailout fund and require private investors to take on more of the burden of Greece’s rescue.

Germany and France have yet to resolve their differences about how best to recapitalize the banks, and the banks have yet to agree to the idea of raising more capital — while at the same time contributing more toward the Greek bailout.

Germany and France are also at odds over proposals to leverage the €440 billion, or $605 billion, bailout fund, the European Financial Stability Facility, so it could deploy up to €2 trillion in support to ailing governments and banks.

During a news conference Monday, a spokesman for Chancellor Angela Merkel, Steffen Seibert, said Mrs. Merkel had pointed out that “the dreams that are once again cropping up, that by Monday this package will have solved everything and it will all be over, once again cannot be fulfilled. These are important working steps on a long path. This is a path that with certainty runs far into next year and also additional working steps will have to follow.”

The German finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, said the “definitive solution” would not be forthcoming at the meeting, but added, “We want to get rid of the market uncertainty with the five elements.”

The five-point plan is based loosely on proposals outlined by the European Commission president, José Manuel Barroso, that would see Greece’s debt put on a sustainable footing; increase the heft of the E.F.S.F.; add capital to the banks; develop measures to promote economic growth; and strengthen the economic management of the euro zone.

The financial markets are expecting a significant package of measures to emerge from this weekend’s summit meeting or, at the very latest, by Nov. 3-4, when leaders of the Group of 20 countries meet in Cannes.

The weekend of talks is to start Friday night, when euro zone finance ministers gather in Brussels. They should be able to agree on the release of €8 billion in aid to Greece from the country’s first bailout, and without which the government could default in November.

More problematic is how much more private investors should contribute toward a second Greek bailout, negotiated July 21. Because of changes in market conditions, officials say that the banks now need to increase their contribution to meet the losses they agreed to accept.

But pressure is mounting to bring the banks’ haircut to perhaps 50 percent.

If that is agreed to, policy makers need to ensure that E.U. banks can withstand the losses. While German banks have been divesting themselves of large amounts of debt from Greece and other southern European governments, French institutions have not been doing likewise, according to a European official speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue.

Equally worrying is the risk that a big write-down of Greek debt would unleash a fresh market assault on Italian or Spanish bonds. On Monday, European stocks fell and the euro slid from a one-month high against the dollar, down 0.8 percent to $1.3787.

After meeting with his counterparts in Germany, France and other countries last weekend at a meeting of G-20 finance officials in Paris, the U.S. Treasury secretary, Timothy F. Geithner, said the Europeans’ main goal was to make sure the plan to be presented Sunday would convince markets that the troubles in Greece would not spread to Spain and Italy.

“The stakes are high,” Mr. Geithner said. “They have come to recognize that if you underdo it, it can be expensive, and if you let the momentum build against you, it’s hard to arrest.”

Mr. Geithner and President Barack Obama have started to put more blame on Europe for America’s own economic woes, warning that a failure to contain the sovereign debt crisis could aggravate the U.S. downturn.

But Mrs. Merkel and a number other Europeans say the Americans are hardly in a position to lecture them, given that the global financial crisis started on Wall Street. Mrs. Merkel said last week that it was unacceptable for critics to press Europe for bolder action while refusing to endorse a plan designed to rein in market attacks on banks and troubled European countries through a new tax on financial transactions.

Liz Alderman reported from Paris. Nicholas Kulish contributed reporting from Berlin.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/18/business/global/germany-lowers-expectations-for-eu-summit.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

G-20 Seeks Broader Solution for Europe Debt Crisis

After offering piecemeal solutions for more than a year, the G-20 finance ministers are now seeking a broader plan to prevent the crisis from engulfing big countries like Spain, which saw its sovereign credit rating cut anew on Thursday, a move that may deepen the impact of the debt crisis on European banks.

The United States Treasury Secretary, Timothy Geithner, who is attending the meetings, has said a solution is needed to prevent Europe’s troubles from infecting the rest of the world.

Finance Minister Francois Baroin of France said after talks on Friday that officials had “already come to some agreements that will be very important,” but he did not provide specifics.

The weekend discussions are a precursor to a crucial summit meeting planned for Oct. 23 in Brussels by European leaders.

While they were not expected to produce all the solutions, officials want to strike a deal soon to increase the size of a Europe-wide bailout fund for troubled countries and banks, known as the European Financial Stability Facility. They also want to force Europe’s banks to raise more capital and require private investors to take larger-than-anticipated losses on their holdings of Greek government bonds to avoid running up the bill to taxpayers.

Financial markets seemed to believe that the Europeans were getting serious about a solution: stock markets have risen recently on hopes for a deal, especially after German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Nicolas Sarkozy pledged last weekend to deliver a plan. Major European stock indexes closed up for the week and Wall Street was higher in midday trading Friday.

But investors reading between the lines see further complications, especially for Europe’s banks. Banks charge that new capital requirements will force them to curb lending to consumers and businesses, hurting already weak economic growth. But some are already selling assets and various businesses to raise money to meet them.

On Friday, Standard Poor’s downgraded the credit rating of the biggest French bank, BNP Paribas, citing its “material” exposure to Italy, which faces similar problems to Greece, but on a much-larger scale.

In an assessment of five major French banks, including Société Générale and Crédit Agricole, S.P. said that all of their financial profiles had weakened as a result of more difficult economic and funding market conditions ahead. The agency also said that it believed the French government was ready to provide them with “extraordinary support” if needed.

Also Friday, the Fitch ratings agency said it would review various ratings for Deutsche Bank, BNP Paribas, Société Générale, Credit Suisse, and Barclays, citing “increased challenges the financial markets are facing” as a result of economic developments and regulatory changes.

That followed the announcement by Standard Poor’s that it was downgrading Spain’s sovereign rating again, to AA- from AA, amid signs that harsh austerity measures may tip the country into a recession. The decision is ill-timed for the many European banks that together hold about $637 billion worth of Spanish government debt.

The banking industry has been girding to battle with European policymakers and regulators in the coming days, especially over a plan that would force the banks to take losses on their holdings of Greek debt of up to 60 percent — much more than a 21 percent loss agreed to under an accord reached by European leaders in July as part of a second Greek bailout.

Several of the continent’s biggest banks, including BNP Paribas and Société Générale, have said they are ready to take losses of around to 50 percent. But most banks that hold Greek debt would have to sign off on a new deal, and an agreement is not certain.

Bankers are particularly angered by two additional proposals from the European Banking Authority, which has come under fire for overseeing flimsy tests on the safety margins of Europe’s banks.

One proposal would require lenders to raise their capital buffers to around 9 percent from 6 percent now, or be forced into the undesirable position of taking money from their governments. Another would require lenders to value all their sovereign debt holdings at current market prices, as part of a “stress test” to ensure that Europe’s banks have enough capital to insure against large-scale losses if the crisis were to spread to the big euro zone countries like Italy.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/15/business/global/g20-seeks-broader-solution-for-europes-debt-crisis.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

News Analysis: In France and Germany, Divergence on How to Recapitalize Banks

Analysts are skeptical that even the richest countries will be able to agree on guidelines for a broad, coordinated effort, one impressive enough to remove all doubts about solvency in the event of a default by Greece or another sovereign debtor.

In the first signs of a split, France wants to draw on the European bailout fund, the European Financial Stability Facility, to rebuild bank capital. German leaders think national governments should take the lead.

“Only if a country can’t do it on its own should the E.F.S.F. be used,” Chancellor Angela Merkel said on Friday.

But the sums required to armor banks against losses on government bonds — up to 300 billion euros, or about $400 billion, by some estimates — could jeopardize France’s top-notch credit rating. That would be a big political setback for President Nicolas Sarkozy before elections next May.

These kinds of arguments are just what economists fear. A parochial approach will lead countries to try to seek advantage for their own institutions, as has often been the pattern in the past, critics say. In addition, most large European banks have extensive operations and therefore require pan-European oversight, they argue.

“You need to have a European approach, which is tremendously difficult politically,” said Nicolas Véron, a senior fellow at Bruegel, a research organization in Brussels. “If it doesn’t happen, I am not very optimistic about the ability of European authorities to keep the crisis under control.”

When Fitch Ratings cut Spain’s credit rating Friday by two levels, to AA- from AA+, it cited the “intensification” of the debt crisis along with slower growth and shaky regional finances, Bloomberg News reported. Fitch cited similar reasons for also downgrading Italy one level, to A+, while maintaining Portugal at BBB-, saying it would complete a review of that ranking in the fourth quarter.

Meanwhile, grave problems at the French-Belgian bank Dexia, which is on the verge of its second taxpayer-financed bailout in three years, have dashed any illusions about the health of European banks. It was only in July that Dexia breezed through an official stress test that was supposed to expose vulnerable banks.

It has become obvious that restoring the soundness of European banks is fundamental to resolving the debt crisis and removing a serious threat to the global economy. Christine Lagarde, managing director of the International Monetary Fund, has been urging a wholesale recapitalization for several months. In the United States, President Obama warned on Thursday that “the problems Europe is having right now could have a very real effect on our economy.”

But no one has provided even rough details of how to compel banks to raise money on open markets if they can, and to provide government financing if they can’t.

“Our experience is that if no one is talking about the details of something, it is because they do not exist,” Carl Weinberg, chief economist of High Frequency Economics, wrote in a note to clients Friday. “Let us just agree that there is no plan.”

Mrs. Merkel and Mr. Sarkozy are expected to discuss the issue when they meet in Berlin on Sunday, along with their finance ministers. The European Commission expects to produce its proposal for a coordinated recapitalization within a week.

Even if Dexia proves to be an isolated case, it is clear that investor confidence in the solvency of European banks is at a low ebb. European banks are reluctant to lend to one another, and United States lenders are reluctant to lend to European institutions. Banks have been unable to sell bonds to raise money.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=dc73d1648c1c737ad536e914f972fb93

Wall Street Manages a Gain

News that the United States economy grew by more than previously thought in the second quarter of the year and an unexpectedly large drop in the number of weekly jobless claims drove stocks higher for much of the day.

But after a 2 percent gain at the start of trading, Wall Street lost steam in the afternoon. A half-hour before the close of trading, the Dow Jones industrial average was dead-even with Wednesday’s close — and then rallied again to close up 1.3 percent, or about 143 points, to 11,153.98.

The Standard Poor’s 500-stock index also eked out a gain in the last half-hour, rising 0.8 percent for the day, or 9.34, to 1,160.40. The Nasdaq composite index, weighed down by a 1.8 percent drop in Apple stock, fell 0.4 percent, or 10.82 points to 2,480.76.

The Commerce Department said the economy grew at an annual rate of 1.3 percent in the April-June quarter, up from an estimate of 1 percent made a month ago. The improvement reflected more consumer spending and more exports.

“The quality of the improvement far outweighs the scale of improvement with the U.S. consumer key to future growth,” said Michael Woolfolk, an analyst at the Bank of New York Mellon. “The risk for the third quarter is to the upside, with the outside possibility that it could well come in at the upper end of the 2.0 to 3.0 percent range.”

Further good news emerged from the Labor Department, which found that jobless claims last week dropped 37,000 to a seasonally adjusted 391,000, the lowest level since April 2. It is the first time applications have fallen below 400,000 since Aug. 6.

The mood in stock markets had been largely positive after a clear victory for Chancellor Angela Merkel in a vote on beefing up Europe’s bailout fund. More encouraging for the markets, perhaps, was the fact that Mrs. Merkel did not have to rely on support from opposition parties.

In the short term, the vote in favor of an expanded rescue fund indicated that Germany was fully behind efforts to shore up Europe’s defenses against a crisis that has already required three countries to be bailed out and stoked talk that Greece would default.

“The overwhelming majority in the Bundestag is a good sign and will hopefully mark a step change in German commitment to bringing the spiraling crisis under control,” said Sony Kapoor, managing director of Re-Define, an economic research group.

In Europe, the DAX in Germany closed up 1.1 percent, as did the CAC 40 in France. The FTSE 100 index of leading British shares was off 0.4 percent.

The improved appetite for risk on Thursday also helped the euro brush off another survey showing that Europe’s economy was grinding to a halt. When risk appetite is high, the euro usually garners support against the dollar. Following the German vote, it was trading 0.8 percent higher at $1.3629.

Earlier in Asia, the Nikkei 225 index in Japan swung between gains and losses before finishing up 1 percent. The Kospi in South Korea index shot up 2.7 percent. The Shanghai Composite Index in China dropped 1.1 percent. Markets in Hong Kong were closed due to severe weather.

Oil prices tracked equities higher too. Benchmark crude for November delivery rose $1.88 to $83.09 a barrel on the New York Mercantile Exchange.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/30/business/daily-stock-market-activity.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Germany Votes to Expand Euro Bailout Fund

The tally also marked a narrow but significant political victory for Chancellor Angela Merkel, as fewer lawmakers from her own coalition broke away to join the no vote than had been expected.

Passage in Germany — Europe’s largest economy and the only country with the fiscal wherewithal to pull fellow countries in the euro currency zone out of trouble — moved the struggling rescue forward. But analysts said it was likely to offer only momentary relief rather than anything like a permanent solution.

And for Mrs. Merkel, the victory merely provided breathing room after a divisive debate within her own parliamentary bloc that has weakened her grip on power at a critical moment.

Opposition politicians had argued that the vocal opposition within her ranks meant that Mrs. Merkel had lost control of her coalition and needed to dissolve the government. But in the end, the measure passed without needing opposition support, giving her the so-called chancellor’s majority, which had been so called into question in recent weeks, up to the final moment.

With the future of Europe and the euro hanging in the balance, the vote was 523 to 85 in favor of the expanded bailout fund, with 3 legislators abstaining. Within her coalition, Mrs. Merkel received 315 votes, four more than needed for the chancellor’s majority.

As a result, Germany agreed to an increase in its share of the guarantees to 211 billion euros, or $285 billion, from 123 billion euros.

“We have an existential national interest in the stability of Europe and the euro,” said Volker Kauder, who spoke for the Christian Democrats in the debate on the floor of the Parliament, the Bundestag.

In a stark reminder of just how much is at stake, Italy went to the credit markets Thursday with its first debt auction since the ratings agency Standard Poor’s cut the country’s credit ratings. The third-largest economy in the euro zone, after Germany and France, sold 7.9 billion euros in bonds — but at sharply higher rates because of concerns that Italy, like Greece and Portugal, will have difficulty paying off its debts.

With German approval, 6 of the 17 euro zone countries still need to pass the agreement reached July 21. A significant hurdle was overcome when Finland on Wednesday passed the bailout fund despite domestic objections and an unresolved dispute over its demand for collateral from Greece. But leading politicians in Slovakia have been highly critical of the agreement, with a division in the governing coalition in the Slovak capital of Bratislava over whether to help Greece, which is richer than Slovakia.

Under the fretful gaze of investors, the meandering approval process has revealed ever more fissures, layers of decision making and complexity in Europe that adds up to a worrisome inability to react quickly and decisively to upheaval in fast-moving financial markets. Analysts have already said that the fund, even if it passes, will in all likelihood be too small to defend against attacks on deeply indebted European countries.

Politicians, Mrs. Merkel included, have resisted calls for deeper integration of fiscal policies between the countries of the euro zone, or the issuance of common debt referred to as euro bonds.

In the historic Reichstag building graffiti from Red Army soldiers who conquered the capital of Nazi Germany still adorn the walls. Outside the Reichstag, the home of the German Parliament, a protester held up a sign reading “Europe Finance Suicide Fund,” a play on the name for the bailout fund, the European Financial Stability Facility.

“The chancellor’s path is extremely contentious, with the public clearly opposed because it is unclear what limit there is to how far Germany has to jump in to cover Greece’s debt,” said Werner J. Patzelt, a political scientist at the Technical University in Dresden.

Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance minister, tried to assure members of Parliament as well as the public during a debate Thursday that a vote in favor of the measure did not represent a blank check, and that any additional funds would have to be approved by the Bundestag. “That is not up for debate,” Mr. Schäuble said.

Those assurances were not enough for some members of Mrs. Merkel’s party. “We borrow the money from our children and grandchildren — we don’t have it,” said Klaus-Peter Willsch, a member of Mrs. Merkel’s Christian Democrats who said he would vote against the measure.

With the support of the center-left Social Democrats and the Green Party, the bailout fund passed with relative ease. But the vote evolved in the process into a test for Mrs. Merkel’s government. Without a reliable majority to push though legislation the chancellor would be reduced to a toothless and ineffective figurehead.

“You and your government, Mrs. Chancellor, lack the most important political quality in times of danger: Confidence,” said Peer Steinbrück, a leading Social Democrat and Mrs. Merkel’s finance minister during the financial crisis under her previous government.

Where a similar victory in the United States would be hailed as a bipartisan success story, in the German parliamentary system, power rests on the ability to hold together the members of the coalition that make up the majority.

Political parties in Germany have much more sway over members. Candidates are nominated by the party rather than competing in primary elections.

“Behind the scenes her people were working hard on the dissenters,” said Timo Grunden, a political scientist at the University of Duisburg-Essen.

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