November 14, 2024

Outcome of E-Book Case Could Hurt Competition, Apple Lawyer Says

Orin Snyder, a lawyer at Gibson, Dunn Crutcher who represents Apple, made that point in a Manhattan courtroom on Thursday, the last day of the three-week antitrust trial. He told Judge Denise L. Cote of United States District Court that if Apple was found liable for conspiring with publishers to raise e-book prices, “that precedent will send shudders through the business community.”

In the future, he said, retailers negotiating with content providers might then feel pressured to “not utter a word” about their discussions with other companies and offer substantially different terms to each party.

He said that in negotiations, businesses typically inform one competitor what another competitor is willing to do. “It is perfectly lawful to do all of that,” he said.

In its antitrust case brought a year ago, the federal government accused Apple of being the “ringmaster” in a conspiracy with five big book publishers to raise e-book prices across the industry. Before Apple entered the market in early 2010, Amazon controlled 90 percent of e-book sales, and the publishers were not happy with Amazon’s uniform price of $9.99 for e-books. The publishers have all settled their cases, but Apple has said it is fighting as a matter of principle because it has done nothing wrong.

Much of the debate at the trial has centered on a condition, known as the “most-favored-nation” clause, that Apple made in its contracts with publishers. It guarantees that if a publisher offers an e-book at a lower price to one retailer, the book will cost the same in Apple’s e-book store. The Justice Department argues that Apple and the publishers used the most-favored-nation clause to defeat price competition and pressure Amazon to change the way it sold books and raise its prices as well.

On Thursday, as the lawyers wrapped up their arguments, Judge Cote peppered both Apple and the government with questions.

Several of her questions to the government revolved around one thought: why would Apple want to change the industry’s business model? Mark W. Ryan, a lawyer for the Justice Department, argued that Apple believed its iPad hardware was so ahead of anyone else’s, it wanted to eliminate price competition in the e-book market so that the iPad could compete with the Amazon’s Kindle solely on hardware, not book prices.

Mr. Ryan noted that the government’s concern was not solely the most-favored-nation clause, but the way that Apple and the publishers deliberately used the clause to force Amazon’s hand. “It’s the collusion to move the market to the place where competition would not otherwise take it,” he said.

If Amazon had continued the way it sold books under what is called the wholesale model — where publishers charged retailers about half the cover price for a book and Amazon sold the books for $9.99 — then the retailers would have lost a substantial amount of money selling the books for $9.99 to Apple because Apple takes a 30 percent cut.

That, Mr. Ryan said, is why the publishers understood they had to collectively force Amazon into the agency model, where the publishers, not the retailers, set the price of the books. They could use the most-favored-nation clause to put pressure on Amazon while also threatening to delay the release of their e-books until after the more expensive hardcover versions had been on the market for a while, he said.

Judge Cote challenged the government’s interpretation that Apple was deliberately scheming to help the publishers raise prices. Allowing them to raise their prices in Apple’s e-book store could be viewed as a “sales pitch” to get the publishers to agree to sign on with Apple in the month and a half leading up to the iPad introduction, she said.

In Apple’s closing statements, Mr. Snyder spent most of his time trying to illustrate that Apple fought “tooth and nail” with the publishers before cementing the contracts. He showed e-mails between Eddy Cue, Apple’s senior vice president of Internet software and services, and the chief executives of the big publishers that demonstrated they were negotiating rather than cooperating.

Judge Cote asked Mr. Snyder whether Apple took the position that it had not understood that the publishers were forming a collective effort to raise prices industrywide, when the fact they were working together seemed obvious from articles published by The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal. Those articles said a group of publishers had announced plans to “window,” or delay, the release of e-books.

Mr. Snyder said that the articles just showed how business was done, and that they did not prove that the publishers were already conspiring. “When one company does one thing, the other companies take notice and do the same thing,” he said.

The big question surrounding the trial is whether there will be a change to the way businesses negotiate if Apple loses, as Mr. Snyder suggested. Charles E. Elder, an antitrust lawyer at Irell Manella, which is not involved in the case, said that most-favored-nation clauses present unusual challenges under antitrust laws. While they ensure a customer gets the best deal, they can discourage price-cutting because the consequence of lowering prices for one retailer will be lowering prices for other retailers protected by the clause.

Mr. Elder said that he “would be very surprised” if the judge found Apple’s most-favored-nation clause illegal, and that he was not aware of any case where such a thing has happened. He said this antitrust case was based on the theory that the most-favored-nation clause resulted from a price-fixing conspiracy among the publishers that was furthered by Apple. If the judge holds Apple liable, he said, this case will be unlikely to have a “revolutionary impact” on businesses.

“Horizontal conspiracies to fix prices have always been illegal,” Mr. Elder said.

Judge Cote is expected to write her decision in the coming weeks.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/21/business/outcome-of-e-book-case-could-hurt-competition-apple-lawyer-says.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Fiscal Talks in Congress Seem to Reach Impasse

The proposal, loaded with Democratic priorities and short on detailed spending cuts, met strong Republican resistance. In exchange for locking in the $1.6 trillion in added revenues, President Obama embraced the goal of finding $400 billion in savings from Medicare and other social programs to be worked out next year, with no guarantees.

He did propose some upfront cuts in programs like farm price supports, but did not specify an amount or any details. And senior Republican aides familiar with the offer said those initial spending cuts might be outweighed by spending increases, including at least $50 billion in infrastructure spending, mortgage relief, an extension of unemployment insurance and a deferral of automatic cuts to physician reimbursements under Medicare.

“The Democrats have yet to get serious about real spending cuts,” Mr. Boehner said after the meeting. “No substantive progress has been made in the talks between the White House and the House over the last two weeks.”

Amy Brundage, a White House spokeswoman, said: “Right now, the only thing preventing us from reaching a deal that averts the fiscal cliff and avoids a tax hike on 98 percent of Americans is the refusal of Congressional Republicans to ask the very wealthiest individuals to pay higher tax rates. The president has already signed into law over $1 trillion in spending cuts and we remain willing to do tough things to compromise, and it’s time for Republicans in Washington to join the chorus of other voices — from the business community to middle-class Americans across the country — who support a balanced approach that asks more from the wealthiest Americans.”

Beneath the outward shows of frustration and rancor, Democrats said a deal could still be reached before hundreds of billions of dollars in automatic tax increases and spending cuts go into effect, threatening the fragile economy. Senator Charles E. Schumer, Democrat of New York, pointed to conservative Republicans who have suggested that the House quickly pass Democratic legislation in the Senate extending the expiring tax cuts for income below $250,000.

“All you have to do is just listen to what’s happening out there and you realize there is progress,” he said.

But publicly, the leaders of neither side were giving an inch. And Republican aides said the details of the White House proposal pointed to a re-elected president who believes he can bully Congress.

“They took a step backward, moving away from consensus and significantly closer to the cliff,” said Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader.

The president’s proposal does stick to the broad framework of the deal Mr. Boehner wants: an upfront deficit-reduction “down payment” that would serve to cancel the automatic tax increases and spending cuts while still signaling seriousness on the deficit, followed by a second stage in which Congress would work next year on overhauling the tax code and social programs to secure more deficit reduction.

But the details show how far the president is ready to push House Republicans. The upfront tax increases in the proposal go beyond what Senate Democrats were able to pass earlier this year. Tax rates would go up for higher-income earners, as in the Senate bill, but Mr. Obama wants their dividends to be taxed as ordinary income, something the Senate did not approve. He also wants the estate tax to be levied at 45 percent on inheritances over $3.5 million, a step several Democratic senators balked at. The Senate bill made no changes to the estate tax, which currently taxes inheritances over $5 million at 35 percent. On Jan. 1, the estate tax is scheduled to rise to 55 percent beginning with inheritances exceeding $1 million.

Administration negotiators also want the initial stage to include an extension of the payroll tax cut or an equivalent policy aimed at working-class families, an extension of a business tax credit for investments, and the extension of a number of other expiring business tax credits, like the one on research and development.

To ensure that there are no more crises like the debt ceiling impasse last year, Mr. Geithner proposed permanently ending Congressional purview over the federal borrowing limit, Republican aides said. He said that Congress could be allowed to pass a resolution blocking an increase in the debt limit, but that the president would be able to veto that resolution. Congress could block a higher borrowing limit only if two-thirds of lawmakers overrode the veto.

In total, Mr. Geithner presented the package as a $4 trillion reduction in future deficits, but that too was disputed. The figure includes cuts to domestic programs agreed to last year that the White House put at $1.2 trillion but that Republicans say is about $300 billion less. And it counts savings from ending the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, even though no one has proposed maintaining war spending over the next decade at the current rate.

“Listen, this is not a game,” Mr. Boehner said. “Jobs are on the line. The American economy is on the line. And this is a moment for adult leadership.”

Senate Democratic leaders left their meeting with Mr. Geithner ecstatic. If the Republicans want additional spending cuts in that down payment, the onus is on them to put them on the table, said Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the Democratic leader.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/30/us/politics/fiscal-talks-in-congress-seem-to-reach-impasse.html?partner=rss&emc=rss