April 24, 2024

DealBook: Britain’s Top Fraud Office Aims to Add Bite to Its Bark

David Green, director of the Serious Fraud Office in Britain, doubled the agency's investigation team this year to help with its Libor-rigging case.Andrew Testa for The New York TimesDavid Green, director of the Serious Fraud Office in Britain, doubled the agency’s investigation team this year to help with its Libor-rigging case.

David Green, the director of Britain’s Serious Fraud Office, is in a combative mood.

On his desk at his office, a stone’s throw from Trafalgar Square in London, sits a souvenir plaque commemorating the signal that Admiral Horatio Nelson sent to his fleet on the eve of the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805. It says, “England expects that every man will do his duty.”

Mr. Green says his duty is to revive confidence in his office as a top-tier prosecutor of serious fraud and corruption. And he plans to do that with the help of one of the biggest cases the organization has ever taken on: the investigation into the rigging of the London interbank offered rate, or Libor.

His office plans to bring criminal fraud charges against Thomas Hayes, a former trader at UBS and Citigroup, as early as Tuesday, according to a person briefed on the case. Mr. Hayes, who was charged with fraud late last year by the United States Justice Department, is seen as a central character in the rate-rigging scheme. His role figured prominently in the case against UBS, which under a settlement pleaded guilty to one count of felony wire fraud and paid about $1.5 billion in fines. The criminal charges against Mr. Hayes would be the first brought by British prosecutors for suspected manipulation of Libor.

“What people look to is success in the very big headline cases, and inevitably Libor comes to mind,” Mr. Green, 59, said in an interview this month. “I am in the business of doing justice and restoring public confidence in the rule of law. The public need to have confidence that white-collar criminals are dealt with as criminals, that they are not given some special rosy path with a cop-out sentence at the end of the day.”

When Mr. Green took over as director of the fraud office in April last year after 25 years as a prosecutor and defense lawyer, he found an agency whose reputation was in shambles and whose staff morale had hit rock bottom. Two London businessmen, the Tchenguiz brothers, Robert and Vincent, had dragged the office to court over a botched investigation into their connections with failed banks in Iceland. The fraud office apologized and started an internal investigation but also ran up huge legal costs that might continue to grow.

Additional embarrassment came in 2011, when the office decided against investigating Libor and shifted responsibility instead to the Financial Services Authority. While the Justice Department started to delve into the Libor case from abroad, the fraud office said it would only be a further drag on its already stretched resources.

Despite an increase of publicity-friendly dawn raids on suspected wrongdoers and some saber-rattling speeches, the fraud office had built an image of a prosecutor that barked but would not bite. So bad was its reputation that when the government started to change the way it regulated the financial industry after the financial crisis, it seriously considered abolishing the office.

Mr. Green is well aware of these problems. One of the first things he did when he arrived was to clearly define the mission of the organization, he said. Unlike his predecessor, Richard Alderman, he is not in the business of giving guidance and striking deals with defendants. “The sentence is a matter for the judge,” he said. “I am here to prosecute.”

“There was a general perception in this country and abroad that the S.F.O. lacked somehow the stomach to prosecute and preferred the easier route of civil settlement,” he said. “There was a perception that the S.F.O. had dumbed down and has taken easier, less-complex cases.”

But those times are over, he said, and his message to criminals is clear: “If your conduct is criminal and comes within the purview of the S.F.O., we will go after you.”

When he took over, Mr. Green simplified the office’s structure by setting up two divisions for fraud and two divisions for bribery and hired new senior staff members, including Geoffrey Rivlin, a retired judge feared and respected for being a stickler for detail, to help prepare cases for court.

John Fingleton, chief executive of Fingleton Associates, which advises clients on regulatory issues, said Mr. Green “hired some good people and tries to tidy up the place.” But the job is not easy, Mr. Fingleton said.

“The S.F.O. has been heavily starved of resources, and crime enforcement in Britain is generally far more difficult than in the U.S.,” where there are fewer burdens on the prosecution and plea bargains are commonplace, he said.

Mr. Green takes particular issue with the suggestion that the fraud office would refuse to open an investigation because it was too expensive. “Absurd,” he said, before adding, “disgraceful.”

“I will not stay in this job and do that,” he emphasized.

The Libor inquiry is the largest of the fraud office’s 67 active cases and a vast undertaking that required Mr. Green to double the investigation team to 60 this year. Another handful of investigators are on loan from the tax authority, and there is some staff from large accounting firms and foreign regulators. A deal to swap staff with the Justice Department is in its final stages, he said.

As determined to prosecute and passionate about his work as Mr. Green is, he is reluctant to talk about his private life or even his earlier legal cases. His father worked for a bank while his mother brought up the children. After studying history at Cambridge University, Mr. Green took an interest in criminal law and worked for a while for his brother-in-law, a lawyer.

He then worked as a prosecutor and defense lawyer on cases that included financial crime and murder. He said he defended financial organizations for regulatory and criminal offenses in the past but would not give any names.

His main prosecution work included cases involving the importation of heroin from places like Afghanistan, organized crime and fraud, but he declined to give any detail. In 2005, he was named director of revenue and customs prosecutions, successfully prosecuting money-laundering groups and cigarette smugglers. More than 90 percent of the cases secured a conviction.

Alison Graham-Wells, a lawyer who worked under Mr. Green in the 1990s, said he stood out in court for his ability to explain complex cases of financial fraud in simple terms to a jury. “He has a very good court presence,” she said.

Whether Mr. Green, now at the fraud office, is successful will depend on the outcome of the Libor investigation. Some analysts said he was taking a risk by focusing on Libor and pointed out that with a prominent international case like this, the likelihood of prosecution could be taken out of his hands.

But Mr. Green is defiant. “A risk-averse person should not be doing this job,” he said. “I’ve been a trial lawyer all my life. The whole process is about assessing and managing risk. Do I ask this question? Do I raise this point? What is the clearest way of presenting this to a jury?”

Next to the Nelson quote plaque on his desk, Mr. Green keeps another one, which he picked up during a trip to Washington and the Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum. It is closely associated with the Apollo 13 mission and reflects what Mr. Green really thinks about his mission at the fraud office: “Failure is not an option.”

Article source: http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/06/17/britains-top-fraud-prosecutor-aims-to-add-bite-to-its-bark/?partner=rss&emc=rss

Economic View: Long-Term Unemployment Carries Risks for U.S.

Yet without government intervention, we may well have high unemployment and social discord for years to come. How did this disaster happen?

Probably the most important reasons for the failure to rescue the unemployed are intellectual, rather than purely political. First, there is a lack of scientific proof that government spending — fiscal stimulus — will do much to remedy unemployment. Second, there is a lack of appreciation of the human impact and social consequences of high, long-term joblessness.

To see how divided economists are about the effects of fiscal stimulus, ask them to gauge the “multiplier” effect — the response of the broader economy to a dollar spent by the government. In September, the Journal of Economic Literature published several surveys of the literature on the subject; those surveys came up with so many different answers that it’s hard to show with certainty that stimulus even works. One of those surveys, by Jonathan Parker of Northwestern University, said that, in general, academic studies of multipliers “almost entirely ignore the state of the economy.” Most studies fail to give credible estimates of the effects of such stimulus in a period of abysmal confidence and near-zero interest rates.

We are in such a situation now — for the first time since the Great Depression. It may be ruinous to assume that the situation is hopeless and that we should thus do nothing for the unemployed. Richard Kahn, the man who invented the mathematical theory of the multiplier in a 1931 article, later said that it was a mistake to think of fiscal stimulus only in mechanistic terms. Government action, he suggested, affects public confidence in ways that his model did not fully capture. But economists have generally run with his mathematical model, or fundamental variations on it, and ignored his caveat.

We have to close the government deficit eventually, but that can be done with tax increases and solid programs to create jobs. It was within the supercommittee’s scope to devise a plan to accomplish this in a stimulative way. The contractionary effects of tax increases could have been offset by some expenditure increases that would stimulate the economy and help provide jobs. But that didn’t happen. I’ve written before that this kind of plan, termed a “balanced-budget stimulus,” ought to work.

FURTHERMORE, we have been ignoring the serious consequences of allowing long-term unemployment to continue.

Bad as it is for those without jobs and their immediate families, unemployment tears the fabric of our society. Duha T. Altindag of Auburn University and Naci H. Mocan of Louisiana State University used data collected by the World Values Survey on more than 130,000 people from 69 countries to learn how unemployment affects confidence in civil society and basic democratic institutions.

They looked at a survey question inquiring whether “having a strong leader who does not have to bother with Parliament or elections” is a good thing. In the United States, being jobless increases the propensity to agree by about 11 percentage points, to 38 percent from the sample mean of 27 percent, after controlling for other factors like income and education. They also found that, in countries where they had the appropriate data, people who have been unemployed for more than a year are even more likely to agree, if other factors are held constant.

Some of the social discord and mistrust of government in our country of late is surely connected to long-term unemployment. We need to accept that we are now in very unusual times, and that unusual steps are needed.

One approach is to raise taxes and use the proceeds to subsidize hiring of the unemployed. In the 2007 book “Rewarding Work,” Edmund S. Phelps, the Nobel laureate economist from Columbia University, had an interesting idea for spurring hiring. As he has updated that proposal, the government should provide a subsidy of $4.50 an hour for the lowest-paid workers, with declining amounts until they earn more than $15 an hour. Unlike the current “earned income tax credit,” his plan would not be biased toward families with dependent children, but would apply equally to all workers.

He estimates today that the cost of such a program would be about $150 billion a year, around 1 percent of gross domestic product. The program would be well worth the expense.

The American Jobs Act proposed by President Obama in September includes subsidies in the form of re-employment services, wage insurance, work-sharing benefits and self-employment assistance. Stephen A. Wandner of the Urban Institute and the W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research testified before the Senate Finance Committee this month and offered a number of other ideas that have been successful on an experimental basis. Among them are comprehensive job search assistance and re-employment bonuses.

The stakes are very high here, and they are not just economic. As anger rises in today’s economy, I’m reminded of Thomas Jefferson’s words about the danger of “angry passions” arising between the North and South over the question of extending slavery to the Missouri territory. In an 1820 letter, he wrote that “this momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror.” He went on to predict, from his observations of such rancor, the secession of the South that was to come 40 years later.

Our country is a much more stable and just society now than it was in 1820. Still, we should regard the current economic dispute as another fire bell in the night. It is important to recreate the sense of a just society, without anger — and an important step in that direction is to ensure that there are enough

jobs.

Robert J. Shiller is a professor of economics and finance at Yale.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=2f8a596f9bb531e5e6ffe8529d282ee7

DealBook: Regulator Calls for New Steps After Collapse of MF Global

A Republican regulator on Wednesday called for new measures to restore public confidence in the futures industry after $600 million went missing from MF Global, the bankrupt brokerage firm.

Scott D. O’Malia, a Republican member of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, said on Wednesday that the agency should revisit certain regulations, enact new transparency measures and keep a closer eye on futures firms to ensure that customer funds are kept separate from company money.

MF Global customers still cannot access much of their money, highlighting the need for a quick regulatory response, Mr. O’Malia said.

“The inability of MF Global customers as a whole to access their funds has affected trading in futures markets, and has shaken public confidence in our customer protection regime,” he said in a statement. “To renew public confidence in segregation and to assure the public that MF Global is an isolated incident, the commission should immediately take action.”

Last week, the commission ordered an audit of every American futures trading firm to verify that customer money was protected. Now Mr. O’Malia wants to go further, saying the agency should create a “random spot check.” If a firm fails to prove that its customer cash is safe, then regulators might sanction the firm, Mr. O’Malia said.

He also said the commission should review its rules that set minimum capital levels for brokerage firms that belong to futures clearinghouses. Earlier this year, MF Global had lobbied the agency to lower the required amount of capital a firm had to hold to become a so-called clearing member.

“Many have said that the failure of MF Global was not systemic and that we are lucky,” Mr. O’Malia said.

“I don’t view it in the same light,” he added. “I am certain that the thousands of individuals who have lost money or can’t get access to their rightful property don’t share that sentiment either.”

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=32a98c83ac6683bf0d5e5b673a33ba0b