April 24, 2024

‘Scandal’ on ABC Is Breaking Barriers

The show’s other sweet spot — one that network executives seem less eager to discuss — is its success among African-American audiences. According to Nielsen “Scandal” is the highest rated scripted drama among African-Americans, with 10.1 percent of black households, or an average of 1.8 million viewers, tuning in during the first half of the season.

One reason for that success is the casting of Kerry Washington, who became the first African-American female lead in a network drama in almost 40 years. (The first was Diahann Carroll starring as a widowed single mother working as a nurse in the 1968 series “Julia.” A second show, “Get Christie Love,” starring Theresa Graves as an undercover cop, had its debut in 1974.)

Her casting has prompted discussion among academics and fans of the show about whether “Scandal” represents a new era of postracial television, in which cast members are ethnically diverse but are not defined by their race or ethnicity.

“There’s an audience of African-Americans who just want to see themselves in a good story, not necessarily a race-specific show,” said Joan Morgan, a fan of the series and the author of “When Chickenheads Come Home to Roost,” a book about black women and feminism today. “It’s not about this being a black show,” Ms. Morgan said. “It’s about seeing the show where black women and other women are represented less about race and more about who they are.”

“Scandal” follows the twists and turns of Olivia Pope, a political fixer played by Ms. Washington, and her team of lawyers, hackers and political insiders. The character is loosely based on the real Washington operative Judy Smith, a former member of the George H. W. Bush White House and well-known crisis manager who has represented, among others, Monica Lewinsky and Michael Vick. (Ms. Smith is a co-executive producer on the show). Olivia is also having an affair with the president of the United States, Fitzgerald Thomas Grant III, played by Tony Goldwyn.

Asked whether she felt any pressure being in this unusual position, Ms. Washington said the pressure was on the audience more than on the cast and crew. She said in an e-mail: “The question was: Are audiences ready to have the stories that we tell on television to be more inclusive? Are we ready for our protagonists to represent people of all different genders and ethnicities?”

“I think the success of the show speaks to how we have become more inclusive as a society because the fans of the show span all different races and ages and genders,” she wrote. “It’s very exciting.” For Dr. Brittney Cooper, co-founder of Crunk Feminist Collective and assistant professor of women’s studies at Rutgers University, the subtleties of Ms. Washington’s character, Olivia Pope, make her most attractive.

“The few black women we’ve seen in prime-time roles in scripted shows, they have to be morally above scrutiny, and she’s not,” Dr. Cooper said. In addition to her relationship with the president, Ms. Washington’s character has defended the reputations of dictators, executives and politicians.

“She’s the most complex black female lead we’ve ever seen in prime time,” Dr. Cooper said. “You’re not getting an archetype, you’re not getting a stereotype, you’re getting a fully fledged human being,” she said.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/17/arts/television/scandal-on-abc-is-breaking-barriers.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Family Differences, Global Issues

“This is his moment,” Nick Papandreou, a 54-year-old Princeton-educated economist, said of George, Greece’s current prime minister. “Although it does happen to come at the worst time in Greek history.”

It is a history in many ways defined — for better or for worse — by three generations of Papandreou prime ministers, all of them depicted in a large black and white photograph that hung on the wall above Nick Papandreou.

The first was the patriarch, George Papandreou, who died in 1968 while under military house arrest.

Next to him in the photo stands Andreas, pipe in hand, the charismatic American-trained economist.

Andreas became a hero while exiled from Greece’s United States-supported military dictatorship in the early 1970s and then from the wealth redistribution he oversaw as prime minister in the 1980s. But he also greatly increased the country’s debt — which was 20 percent of gross domestic product when he took power and swelled to more than 80 percent by the end of his second term in 1989.

And finally there is George A. Papandreou, who was 10 when the picture was shot and was trying his best to replicate the grave mien of his elders. Now 59 and the prime minister voted into office in October 2009 after the debt crisis arrived, he is being forced to impose an austerity regime that could well reverse many of the social gains won by his father.

On Tuesday, European finance ministers meeting in Brussels were unable for a second straight day to resolve key issues that stand in the way of a second bailout package for Greece.Many political insiders in Athens question whether the current prime minister has the drive and communication skills to sell the public on the need for the cuts that the financial leaders of Europe are demanding. But Nick contends that his brother is up to the task.

Prime Minister Papandreou declined a request for an interview to discuss his father’s legacy and Greece’s current problems.

As events play out here, it is almost as if the Papandreou family’s tale could have been written by Sophocles, the master of ancient Greek tragedy. Like the best tragedies, it is rich in ambiguity.

Was Andreas Papandreou, who died in 1996 after a third term of office, a Socialist firebrand who used government spending to expand the ranks of the Greek middle class and give Greeks a greater sense of pride and confidence?

Or was he a scandal-prone demagogue whose notion of the Greek state as a limitless — and ultimately unaffordable — jobs bank largely explains the country’s near-bankrupt condition today?

Somewhat curiously, Athens lacks even a single statue or monument commemorating Andreas Papandreou. (The Andreas G. Papandreou Foundation, overseen by Nick, is supported largely by European Union money and private contributions.)

And on one of the few times that his son George mentioned his name in public, it was to cite a warning that Andreas made in the early 1990s: “Either we make the debt disappear, or the debt will make the country disappear.”

It was the right-leaning New Democracy party, not the Socialists, who engaged in Greece’s final debt binge, which culminated in 2008 and 2009 with the discovery that the New Democracy party had hidden the true scale of Greece’s obligations. That revelation, which helped sweep George and his Pasok party into power, started the current debt crisis in Europe.

But there is little dispute that the borrowing spree began under Andreas.

Nick Papandreou recalls with a shake of his head the heady days of people power in the early 1980s, when his father opened up the government: the owner of a diner in New York became the tourism minister, a plumber was appointed to run a government shipping post, and students were encouraged to appoint their own professors.

“Yes, the debt went up, but there was a benefit,” said Mr. Papandreou, who has written frequently about his father and the Papandreou family. “There were hospitals and health care for everyone,” he said. “People moved up, income- and hope-wise.”

But in today’s Athens — engulfed in protests, fear and alienation — it is not difficult to find people who pin the blame for their current woes on Andreas.

“Andreas Papandreou,” said Jason Manolopoulos, a hedge fund manager and author of a book on Greece’s economic collapse, “corrupted the Greek psyche and gave to Greeks an entitlement culture based on their existence and not on their ability to work and take risks.”

Nick, George and their two younger siblings, a brother and a sister, came of age in Minnesota, California, Canada and Sweden because of their father’s many years as a prominent economist and political activist outside of Greece. In his writings, Nick describes his father as distant, largely absent and even abusive on occasion.

But his father’s life, Nick contends, was stoked by the furies of conflict, passion and above all a supreme ability to reach the Greek people.

Rachel Donadio contributed reporting.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=d60ff09c8ebf4c3ed5051db652ca31c5