April 24, 2024

Bitter Tone in Debate Between Public Advocate Rivals

Nearly 40 minutes into a chilly debate between the two Democratic candidates for public advocate, one of them, Letitia James, had not so much as looked at her opponent, Daniel Squadron, directing her eyes straight ahead as the two traded accusations.

It was a lightning-round question that finally broke her focus: Had either of the candidates tried marijuana?

Ms. James said she had not, citing the dangers of drugs. When the professorial-looking Mr. Squadron answered that he had, Ms. James looked at him quizzically.

“Really?” she said, and laughed.

It was the closest the two candidates came to a human connection in a debate marked by bitter exchanges. The setup was informal: the two sat side by side at a table in a studio at NY1, across from the moderators, Errol Louis of NY1 and WNYC’s Brian Lehrer. But the mood was frosty.

Ms. James, 54, a Brooklyn city councilwoman, and Mr. Squadron, 33, a state senator who represents parts of Brooklyn and Lower Manhattan, will face off next Tuesday in a runoff for the Democratic nomination for public advocate. The runoff was required because none of the five candidates in the primary received 40 percent of the vote. As there is no Republican candidate, the winner of the runoff is expected to assume the office.

Turnout is expected to be exceedingly low, which may have influenced the fiercely negative tone of the debate, as both candidates sought to win over the tiny number of undecided voters who plan to go to the polls and to motivate their supporters to do so.

Ms. James painted Mr. Squadron as an ally of Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, noting that he was endorsed by the mayor when he ran for State Senate in 2008 and that he did not endorse Mr. Bloomberg’s opponent, William C. Thompson Jr., in the 2009 election. Mr. Squadron, in turn, described Ms. James as untrustworthy, saying she had failed to disclose rental income from tenants in her Brooklyn brownstone, as required by law, and that she was the only candidate for citywide office who had not released her tax returns.

When Ms. James said that she would release her tax returns “to you and to anyone else,” Mr. Squadron pressed her on whether she would do so on Wednesday morning, noting that she had pledged to do so in an earlier debate but then had not.

“Yes, Dan, I will release my tax returns,” Ms. James said, bristling, “just as I hope that you would release the fact that you have a trust fund.”

Mr. Squadron, who had been referred to as “Trust Fund Dan” by another candidate in the primary campaign, chastised Ms. James for making what he called an inappropriate personal attack, and added that it was not true that he had a trust fund because his family had lost all its money to Bernard Madoff’s Ponzi scheme.

Ms. James frequently described herself as “independent” and as someone who had “stood up to very powerful interests,” including Mr. Bloomberg. She noted that she had opposed Mr. Bloomberg when he sought to extend term limits, close schools and ban the sale of large sugary drinks. She also said she had stood up to “powerful developers” — an allusion to the Atlantic Yards project in Brooklyn, which she opposed.

Mr. Squadron countered that Ms. James had opposed Mr. Bloomberg’s soda limits while accepting contributions from Coca-Cola, and he asserted that she had also taken contributions from developers while weighing their projects.

Ms. James barely responded to these accusations, repeating like a mantra, “No one has questioned my integrity.”

“Any contribution that I receive,” she added, “is not going to change my policy one iota, not one bit.”

Mr. Squadron also tried to undermine Ms. James’s claim to be independent of the mayor, asserting early in the debate that she had voted with the mayor “159 times in the City Council — 98 percent of the time.”

Essentially responsible for fielding complaints about the city’s services, the public advocate has a minuscule budget and little direct power. Still, the office has frequently proved a steppingstone to running for mayor.

Some of Ms. James’s supporters have made race and gender issues in the campaign, saying that, because the mayor and the comptroller are both expected to be white men, voters should elect Ms. James, who is black, rather than Mr. Squadron, who is white.

Ms. James, meanwhile, seemed to be trying to insert class into the debate, with her “trust fund” comment, and an assertion that she was endorsed by labor unions because “I do not represent the interests of the rich and well connected.”

Mr. Squadron has been endorsed by Senator Charles E. Schumer, and two former public advocates, Betsy Gotbaum and Mark Green. The current public advocate, the Democratic nominee Bill de Blasio, has not made an endorsement.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/25/nyregion/bitter-tone-in-debate-between-public-advocate-rivals.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

Joseph A. Unanue, Former Chief Executive of Goya Foods, Dies at 88

The cause was complications of pulmonary fibrosis, said his son, Andy.

Mr. Unanue (pronounced oo-NAN-way) was one of four sons of Prudencio and Carolina Unanue, who founded Goya in 1936 to sell olives, olive oil, sardines and other food to local Hispanic families. Andy Unanue said his father started working at the company as a boy, delivering food and running errands during the summer and on weekends.

Joseph Andrew Unanue was born in Brooklyn on March 14, 1925. He served in the Army in World War II and was awarded a Bronze Star. After the war he attended the Catholic University of America and graduated with an engineering degree before joining the family business.

“We had a hard time convincing the chain stores that the Hispanics pay with money,” Mr. Unanue said in a 2004 interview with the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History, which was recognizing him as part of an exhibit about Latino achievement.

Andy Unanue said some supermarkets were initially reluctant to give Goya shelf space alongside more mainstream items and, instead offered the company a separate section for its goods. “Instead of refusing the lesser offer, he used it to the company’s advantage and took it,” he said. “We still have some stores that have Goya sections, and that is because of my dad.”

The company was founded as a storefront business in Lower Manhattan by Prudencio Unanue, who had moved to New York from Puerto Rico after emigrating there from his native Spain as a young man. He died in 1976, leaving the company to his sons, Joseph, Charles, Francisco and Anthony.

Joseph was named chief executive in the mid-1970s and had increased revenue to more than $1 billion, from $20 million, by the time he left in 2004. Under his watch, Goya struck up a relationship with Walmart and a number of grocery chains.

Mr. Unanue is also credited with coining the company’s well-known advertising slogan, “Goya — oh boya!”

Mr. Unanue and his son, who became chief operating officer, left Goya Foods after a disagreement with other family members about the company’s direction. Still, Mr. Unanue, a major shareholder, retained a seat on the board. He was also an adviser to the private equity firm that Andy Unanue started after leaving Goya.

In addition to his son and his wife of 58 years, Carmen, Mr. Unanue is survived by three daughters, Mimi Unanue Guggenheim, Maribel Unanue and Mari Unanue; and 18 grandchildren. Another son, Joseph F., died in 1998, and a daughter, Mary Ann, died in 2009.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/16/business/joseph-a-unanue-former-chief-executive-of-goya-foods-dies-at-88.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

DealBook: A Toehold for China on Wall Street

The China Investment Federation opened a New York office in the Trump Building at 40 Wall St.Tina Fineberg for The New York TimesThe China Investment Federation opened a New York office in the Trump Building at 40 Wall St.

Shaolin-style martial arts. A plate-spinning acrobat. Musicians playing the dizi, a Chinese bamboo flute, and the yangqin, a hammered dulcimer.

That was the scene Thursday evening on the 52nd floor of the Trump Building at 40 Wall St. in Lower Manhattan, where the China Investment Federation, a new organization supporting Sino-American deal-making, celebrated the opening of its New York office.

The group, which started last summer in Beijing, aims to help Chinese investors overcome cultural, political and logistical hurdles to doing business in the United States. Sponsored by DKI Capital, a Beijing-based investment firm, the China Investment Federation now has a toehold in the symbolic center of American capitalism.

“We hope this office will be a place for the Chinese millionaire in New York,” Chris Li, the president of DKI, said in a speech on Thursday, comparing the opening of the office to the establishment of the New York Stock Exchange.

With the rise of China as a global power, investors there are looking for opportunities overseas. Increasingly, Chinese and American firms are doing business together, and United States investors are raising more money to do deals in China.

The importance of China to Wall Street underpinned the decision by Stephen A. Schwarzman, head of the Blackstone Group, to create a $300 million scholarship for study in the country.

Still, it can be challenging to navigate the differences between the two countries. Chinese investors are increasingly opting to buy stakes in overseas companies rather than buy them outright, in the face of political opposition, said Dajiang Guo, the chief executive of Citic Securities International USA.

“That’s a business reality we all need to face,” he said at the event on Thursday.

Part of the mission of the China Investment Federation is to bridge these disparate markets. Unlike the United States, China lacks “stratification of capital,” said Jay Riskind, managing director for global projects at DKI Capital. Investments there are “opportunistic,” he said.

“As we plant the flag on Wall Street, we consider this a meaningful moment for realizing the Chinese dream,” Mr. Riskind said.

Thursday’s event attracted a crowd from finance, law and real estate, who took in Chinese-style performances in the office space while enjoying cocktails and hors d’oeuvres. Waiters passed around trays of tea-smoked chicken on wonton crisps with saffron aioli; shredded Peking duck on scallion pancakes with plum hoisin sauce and julienne cucumbers; and filet of beef on rosemary dusted potato with white bean puree.

Richard Huang, secretary general of the China General Chamber of Commerce, was in attendance, as was Khalid Malik, director of the human development report office of the United Nations.

“I’m just stopping by,” said Jeff Huang, managing director for greater China at the IntercontinentalExchange. “I have a dinner appointment on Wall Street.”

The leader of the China Investment Federation, Yang Shengli, has a lavishly appointed office that was open for guests to explore, featuring tables made from Chinese redwood. The furniture, with a combined value estimated at more than $200,000, was shipped from China.

For symbolism, it seemed the China Investment Federation couldn’t do much better than an office on Wall Street inside a building named after the master of showmanship, Donald J. Trump.

“The whole Trump family is very excited to have them in the building,” said Steve Lafiosca, Mr. Trump’s director of commercial properties.

Article source: http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/05/17/a-toehold-for-china-on-wall-street/?partner=rss&emc=rss

DealBook: E-Mails Show Alarm at S.&P. as Mortgage Crisis Exploded

Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. announced the civil fraud charges against S.P. in Washington on Tuesday.Chip Somodevilla/Getty ImagesAttorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. announced the civil fraud charges against S.P. in Washington on Tuesday.

The executive at Standard Poor’s was clear: “This market is a wildly spinning top which is going to end badly.”

That sober assessment of certain mortgage-related investments, delivered to colleagues in a confidential memo in December 2006, is now part of a trove of internal e-mails and documents that have come to light in a federal suit against S. P., the nation’s largest credit ratings agency.

The correspondence, made public in court documents late Monday, provide a glimpse at the inner workings of an institution that the Justice Department says fraudulently inflated credit ratings, with dire consequences for the entire economy. In a series of e-mails, tensions appeared to be escalating inside the firm’s headquarters in Lower Manhattan as it publicly professed that its ratings were valid, even as the home loans bundled into mortgage-backed securities, or M.B.S., were failing at accelerating rates.

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One comes from an S. P. analyst in March 2007 borrowing from the Talking Heads song “Burning Down the House,” creating new lyrics: “Subprime is boi-ling o-ver. Bringing down the house.” S. P. said prosecutors cherry-picked e-mails and that it would vigorously defend itself from “these unwarranted claims.”

In another 2007 e-mail, an analyst responds to a question about his new job: “Job’s going great. Aside from the fact that the M.B.S. world is crashing, investors and the media hate us and we’re all running around to save face … no complaints.”

Together, the documents show a portrait of some executives pushing to water down the firm’s rating models in the hope of preserving market share and profits, while others expressed deep concerns about the poor performance of the securities and what they saw as a lowering of standards.

The United States attorney general, Eric H. Holder Jr., joined by attorneys general from 16 states, unveiled the case on Tuesday in Washington, accusing S. P. and its parent, the McGraw-Hill Companies, of intentionally propping up ratings of shaky mortgage investments and setting them up for a crash when the financial crisis struck.

The government is seeking $5 billion in penalties to cover losses to investors like state pension funds and federally insured banks and credit unions. The amount would be more than five times what S. P. made in 2011.

“The action we announce today marks an important step forward in the administration’s ongoing effort to investigate — and punish — the conduct that is believed to have continued to the worst economic crisis in recent history,” Mr. Holder said.

The government, by bringing the civil fraud charges under a 1989 law created after the savings and loan crisis, faces a lower burden of proof when the victims are federally insured banks. But prosecutors could still face a high bar in convincing a jury by a preponderance of evidence that S. P. knew that its ratings were faulty and that it intended to deceive investors.

“If the facts prove out, it certainly seems like Standard Poor’s intentionally cooked its models in order to make the ratings higher than they otherwise thought they should be, in violation of the firm’s own policies and standards,” said Neil Barofsky, a former federal prosecutor who served as the special inspector general for the United States Treasury’s Troubled Asset Relief Program from 2008 to 2011.

“What we don’t know yet is, what’s the other stuff that could be out there?” he added, noting that the vast body of internal documents might also contain exculpatory material for S. P.

The ratings agency said in a statement: “Claims that we deliberately kept ratings high when we knew they should be lower are simply not true.”

The company said that it had always been committed to “providing independent opinions on creditworthiness based on available information,” and that its actions reflected its best judgments about the investments at the heart of the suit — about 40 collateralized debt obligations, or C.D.O.’s, an exotic type of security made up of bundles of residential mortgage-backed securities, which in turn were composed of individual home loans. Those securities were packaged by banks, rated by S. P. and sold to investors in 2007.

“Unfortunately,” the company’s statement said, “S. P., like everyone else, did not predict the speed and severity of the coming crisis and how credit quality would ultimately be affected.”

Remarks that S. P. employees made in internal memos and electronic communications show that as early as spring 2004, certain executives wanted to change the firm’s rating methodology, but only after polling “an appropriate number of issuers and investment bankers” as to the “rating implications.”

The idea of asking bankers what they thought about a change in the firm’s methods shocked some S. P. analysts and executives, including one who fired back, “What does ‘rating implication’ have to do with the search for truth? Are you implying that we might actually reject or stifle ‘superior analytics’ for market considerations?”

In May 2004, an analyst warned that S.. P. had just lost to its competitor Moody’s Investors Service the chance to rate a very large deal by being too hard-nosed about the amount of collateral that would be required to get a good rating. More collateral would mean less profit for Mizuho, the bank putting that deal together.

“We must address this now,” she said — otherwise the firm would lose more deals.

The complaint describes a debate in 2004 and 2005 about whether S. P. should change its model for rating C.D.O.’s and what effect the proposed changes might have on its business. The change was scheduled for July 2005, but before it could happen, an analyst sent an e-mail saying that according to the investment bank Bear Stearns, the older model “had been the ‘best’ ” at rating weaker pools of mortgages, compared with Moody’s and Fitch.

As the housing market deteriorated in early 2007, the gallows humor in the e-mails intensified. Banks that had created mortgage-backed securities were unloading them quickly, to avoid being stuck with any duds.

“That means the market will crash,” one analyst told another in an instant message. “Deals will rush in before they take further loss.”

“Yes,” said the analyst’s colleague. “We should not push criteria,” continued the first, “but we give in anyway. Ahahhahaha.”

About a month later, another S. P. employee wrote in another instant message, reproduced in the complaint: “We rate every deal. It could be structured by cows and we would rate it.”

In its statement Tuesday, S. P. said that the cow e-mail “had nothing to do with R.M.B.S. or C.D.O. ratings or any S. P. model, and the analyst had her concerns addressed with the issuer before S. P. issued any rating.”

S. P. said that there was a robust internal debate about how a rapidly deteriorating housing market might affect the C.D.O.’s, “and we applied the collective judgment of our committee-based system in good faith,” adding, “The e-mail excerpts cherry-picked by D.O.J. have been taken out of context, are contradicted by other evidence, and do not reflect our culture, integrity or how we do business.”

It was unclear whether the Justice Department was looking at the other two major ratings agencies, Moody’s and Fitch. Tony West, the acting associate attorney general, said he would not discuss actions against other ratings agencies.

Settlement talks between S. P. and the Justice Department broke down in the last two weeks after prosecutors sought a penalty in excess of $1 billion and insisted that the company admit wrongdoing, several people with knowledge of the talks said. S. P. had proposed a settlement of about $100 million, while the government pressed for an admission of guilt to at least one count of fraud, said the people.

McGraw-Hill shares fell nearly 11 percent on Tuesday. Moody’s shares fell about 9 percent, to $45.09.

Andrew Ross Sorkin, Michael J. de la Merced and Floyd Norris contributed reporting.

Article source: http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2013/02/05/case-details-internal-tension-at-s-p-amid-subprime-problems/?partner=rss&emc=rss

DealBook: This Inside Goldman Deal Comes Steamed, With Sauce

The Rickshaw Dumpling truck often parked near the old offices of Goldman Sachs on Broad Street; above, at Broadway and 55th and 56th Street.Ángel Franco/The New York TimesThe Rickshaw Dumpling truck often parked near the old offices of Goldman Sachs on Broad Street; above, at Broadway and 55th and 56th Street.

Kenny Lao has the kinds of credentials — a master’s in business administration from New York University and a former job as a Wall Street analyst — that might come in handy when pitching business to Goldman Sachs.

But the only deals he had to offer Goldman were stuffed, steamed and served in packs of six.

Mr. Lao is the co-founder of Rickshaw Dumpling Bar, a Manhattan restaurant that has been serving up dumplings since 2005. This week, Rickshaw was invited to sell its dumplings inside Goldman’s cafeteria, an 11th-floor outpost inside the firm’s gleaming skyscraper at 200 West Street in Lower Manhattan.

“It looks like ‘Gattaca,’” Mr. Lao said of the bank’s commissary, referring to the 1997 science-fiction film. The cafeteria features sleek chairs and futuristic décor and windows overlooking the Hudson River. “It’s so far from my dirty, gross life on the street.”

Goldman’s dumpling connection began several years ago, when Rickshaw operated a food truck that often parked near the bank’s former headquarters on Broad Street. When the firm moved to the new building in 2010, Rickshaw found it harder to park nearby.

“So many Goldman people e-mailed us, telling us to come to 200 West,” Mr. Lao said.

This winter, a Goldman representative asked Rickshaw to sell dumplings for a week in its cafeteria, which on most days features sushi, a carving station and upscale menu items like truffled macaroni and cheese. Mr. Lao jumped at the opportunity.

“The truck business is very cyclical,” he said. “For us to have the opportunity to be indoors at a company where we have fans is great.”

Mr. Lao has been observing his Goldman clientele with interest. They tend to eat lunch in regular shifts, he said, around 11:35 a.m., and 12:15 and 1:30 p.m. They prefer the pork and chicken-based dumplings to the vegetarian option, an edamame-based dumpling with lemon sansho dip. (“A very meaty crowd,” he said of the bankers.)

And despite the firm’s food-stocked headquarters, he said he hasn’t noticed any visible heft in the work force.

“There are all these skinny Indian girls and ex-rowers from Princeton,” he said.

Goldman declined to comment.

Mr. Lao, a 1998 graduate of Brown who worked briefly at Putnam Investments after college, has even seen several of his old college classmates during his Goldman stint. “They’re all managing directors now, and they come up to me and I’m sweating through lunch,” he said. “It’s a little degrading.”

Goldman’s cafeteria, which is run by Aramark, often features guest chefs and food brought in from New York restaurants like Hill Country. At a coffee bar just outside the cafeteria, employees can buy La Colombe coffee and cookies from Bouchon Bakery, the high-end establishment founded by the chef Thomas Keller

Rickshaw, which has three Manhattan locations in addition to its truck, has done a brisk business this week — selling as much as it normally does during a busy summer week, according to Mr. Lao.

Asked if he had picked up any insight on Goldman’s finances as the bank heads into earnings season, Mr. Lao laughed and said he had not.

“I know they’re bullish on dumplings,” he said.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=adce252114137e4b8737463abd19548f

DealBook: Judges Focus on Flight Risk of Galleon Chief

Patricia A. Millett, left, Samid Guha and Terence Lynam, lawyers for Raj Rajaratnam, outside a federal court in Lower ManhattanJin Lee/Bloomberg NewsPatricia A. Millett, left, Samid Guha and Terence Lynam, lawyers for Raj Rajaratnam, outside a federal court in Lower Manhattan.

9:52 p.m. | Updated

A lawyer for Raj Rajaratnam appeared before a judicial panel in a Lower Manhattan courtroom on Wednesday in a final effort to keep her client out of prison while he appealed his conviction on charges of insider trading.

The lawyer came prepared to discuss complex legal concepts related to the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution and Title III of the Federal Wiretap Act. Instead, all the judges wanted to discuss was whether there was a risk that Mr. Rajaratnam, if allowed to remain free on bail, would flee to his native Sri Lanka.

“Wouldn’t he rather be living as a centimillionaire in his own country rather than as a convict in a jail?” Judge Dennis Jacobs asked Patricia A. Millett, the lawyer for Mr. Rajaratnam.

Mr. Rajaratnam, who did not attend the hearing, is set to report to a federal penitentiary in Ayer, Mass., on Monday to begin serving his 11-year sentence. A jury convicted him earlier this year of orchestrating an enormous insider trading conspiracy at his hedge fund, the Galleon Group.

Three judges on the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit are reviewing the trial court judge’s ruling that denied Mr. Rajaratnam bail pending the appeal of his conviction. If the panel rules in his favor, Mr. Rajaratnam will remain free while his case wends its way through the appellate process, which could take a year.

Raj Rajaratnam, the founder of the Galleon Group, was convicted of insider trading earlier this year.Andrew Gombert/European Pressphoto AgencyRaj Rajaratnam, the founder of the Galleon Group, was convicted of insider trading earlier this year.

Mr. Rajaratnam’s central argument is that federal authorities improperly obtained judicial authorization to wiretap his telephone and secretly record conversations between him and those accused of being his accomplices.

But the panel of judges at the appeal focused on Mr. Rajaratnam’s risk of flight.

Ms. Millett said he would not flee to Sri Lanka because he had no reason to go there. She pointed out that all of his family members were in the United States and that while he had an apartment in Sri Lanka, it was on the market.

“He can’t even get there,” she said. “His passport was surrendered.”

Jonathan Streeter, a federal prosecutor arguing on the government’s behalf, said that Mr. Rajaratnam had strong ties to Sri Lanka, had shown a disrespect for the law and had the financial wherewithal to flee.

There was some discussion of the validity of the government’s wiretap application, which will form the core of Mr. Rajaratnam’s appeal. The government argued that the appeals court should defer to the trial court judge, Richard J. Holwell, who concluded that even with errors in the application, the government appropriately obtained wiretap authorization.

Ms. Millett, the lawyer for Mr. Rajaratnam, countered that the government showed reckless disregard for the law in omitting crucial information about its investigation when asking for wiretap approval. As a result, the government should not have been able to use the wiretaps as evidence at trial.

“If there is a failure to do any of the requirements in Title III, it must be suppressed,” Ms. Millett said.

The panel said it was reserving judgment. A decision is expected before the week’s end.

Article source: http://dealbook.nytimes.com/2011/11/30/in-rajaratnam-hearing-judges-focus-on-flight-risk/?partner=rss&emc=rss

Reuters Breakingviews: A Manifesto for Wall Street Protesters

For public relations professionals, the protesters in Zuccotti Park in Lower Manhattan must inspire mixed feelings. The location works, and the crowd makes for good television, but crunchy sound bites are hard to find. The movement’s anticorporate rant lumps together complaints as varied as mortgage foreclosure wrongs and torture. And the idea of “a feeling of mass injustice” is less compelling than the Tea Party’s clear “taxed enough already.” Breakingviews offers a practical and sharper, if only partial, manifesto for Occupy Wall Street.

First, make banks safer, and let them fail. Bailouts have left banks with handsomely paid bosses, some of whom are resisting sensible reforms. Regulators and legislators should not be scared to require more capital, however much bankers complain. And the authorities need to push on with making it easier for collapsing institutions actually to go bankrupt. That way investors, not taxpayers, pay the price for reckless financial behavior.

Second, name and shame fat cat salarymen. The Securities and Exchange Commission is expected to start the ball rolling soon with a new rule requiring companies to disclose the ratio of a chief executive’s pay to that of the median employee. Management theorists used to suggest that the top executive was worth about 20 times as much as the average, but this multiple has rocketed in recent years. Disclosure might not change practices much, but it is a start.

Third, free legislators from special interests. Long, expensive and frequent campaigns have left some politicians enslaved to extreme supporters and most too heavily influenced by free-spending lobbyists. Unless senators and representatives start to care less about re-election and more about the common good, there’s little hope of real progress in narrowing the gulf between the haves and have-nots in America.

Fourth, and probably least realistic, change the United States’ two-party system. The Democrats and Republicans are unimaginative and entrenched by both rules and tradition. The political center ought to be fertile ground given the current dysfunction on fiscal matters, but why not the wings, too? If Occupy Wall Street can come up with a coherent platform, then — in honor of the epicenter of the protest — the “Z Party” has a nice ring.

Bank Profit Confusion

The parallels between the current market turmoil and the 2008 collapse become more striking by the day. The latest crisis throwback is the bizarre earnings boost created by banks’ deteriorating creditworthiness. UBS says this effect added 1.5 billion Swiss francs ($1.6 billion) to its bottom line in the third quarter. Accountants, rather than banks, are to blame. But financial firms are still inconsistent when reporting this perversity.

Since 2007, banks have had to report changes in the fair value of their own liabilities. When the market price of debt falls, liabilities are reduced from an accounting perspective, allowing the company to recognize a profit. Rising bond prices produce a loss.

For banks, this was particularly pronounced in 2008. As credit risk premiums on their debt soared, many booked large one-time gains: Morgan Stanley enjoyed a $5.1 billion profit that year. That reversed when risk premiums fell back. Now debt prices are tumbling again. For UBS, the resulting gain partly offsets the $2.3 billion hole left by a rogue trader, allowing it to report a modest, but psychologically important, net profit for the quarter.

Not all banks are straightforward about reporting these items. Some have shown a tendency to emphasize losses from this accounting effect while playing down gains. In the third quarter of 2007, Lehman Brothers quietly used paper gains on its debt to offset leveraged loan write-downs. And it took an analyst’s question to make Bank of America admit that $2.2 billion of its first-quarter 2009 revenue came courtesy of a decline in the value of Merrill Lynch debt. Banks like Citigroup and UBS include the gains and losses in the results of their investment banking arms, while Credit Suisse and HSBC, for instance, keep them out of divisional reporting.

Banks say they have little influence over the fluctuations. Goldman Sachs seems to be one of the few that has minimized the effect with hedges. And Europe is phasing out the accounting rule in 2013. But inconsistent reporting makes it harder to filter out the noise. With investor confidence lower than ever, that’s something banks can do without.

For more independent financial commentary and analysis, visit www.breakingviews.com.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=13b3a17373e060d3c36c2fc177a84189

DealBook: Wall Street’s Long History of Protests

If there is a physical place that represents the intersection of democracy and capitalism in America, it is probably in Lower Manhattan at the corner of Wall and Broad. Protest movements have been drawn to Wall Street — both the physical location and the abstract idea — since the founding of the country.

DealBook spoke to the historian Steve Fraser, whose books include “Wall Street: America’s Dream Palace” and “Every Man a Speculator: A History of Wall Street in American Life,” about the groups that have gathered there in the past.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=dcdf5ce8aa872337724ea8c12cd065a1

The Guggenheim Connection: Fame, Riches and a Masquerade

Lady Catarina and Mr. Guggenheim (David Birnbaum, of Ditmas Park, Brooklyn, in court records) played for the grand name of Guggenheim, and they didn’t get far. They were arrested earlier this year, along with Vladimir Z. Guggenheim — in truth, Vladimir Zuravel, a massage therapist from Moldova — and accused of trying to swindle American investors out of billions of dollars.

Even in this post-Madoff era, their caper stands out for its chutzpah. The picture painted by authorities is a tabloid monument to financial fakery, replete with whispers of rare diamonds, Iraqi oil, connections to the Chinese Politburo and even to American presidents. Capping it all were supposed assurances from the Guggenheims, one of the nation’s richest and most famous families.

In hindsight, the whole affair seems so preposterous it is hard to imagine anyone could have gotten away with it. But, online and in person, the faux Guggenheims were so convincing that, for a moment, a few big-money types almost bit. Even now Mr. Zuravel insists that Mr. Birnbaum, described as a frail man of 68, is a real Guggenheim.

The three have said they are innocent. The criminal charges against Mr. Birnbaum were dismissed on Sept. 9, apparently because prosecutors failed to file a timely indictment, though they could file new charges against him. Ms. Toumei is scheduled to appear Monday morning in the federal courthouse in Lower Manhattan.

What makes the case even more intriguing is that the three were unmasked by the real Guggenheims, who are themselves trying to capitalize on the family name in ways the dynasty’s patriarch, Meyer Guggenheim, could not have imagined when he arrived from Switzerland in 1848 to seek his fortune in America.

Meyer Guggenheim amassed his wealth in mining and smelting. One of his seven sons, Benjamin, went down with the Titanic. As time went on, the family abandoned its early pursuits for the rarefied realms of philanthropy. Another of Meyer’s sons, Daniel, was a patron of Charles Lindbergh and endowed aviation research. Still another, Solomon, built the art collection that gave rise to the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum in Manhattan. A granddaughter, Peggy Guggenheim, became known as much for her private life for as her art collection. The Picassos, Miros and Giacommettis in her palazzo in Venice draw thousands of visitors a year.

But in 2000, a great grandson of Meyer Guggenheim, Peter Lawson-Johnston Sr., decided that it was time for the Guggenheims to get back to work. With $30 million of family money, he helped found Guggenheim Partners, a boutique financial company modeled on the Wall Street partnerships of old.

Whether this Lilliputian investment company could take on the giants of global finance was anyone’s guess. The odds were certainly long. But its early success is turning some heads on Wall Street, particularly given tough financial times. In recent years, as the great investment houses have cut back, Guggenheim Partners has hired roughly 1,700 people, leveraging a name that is often mentioned in the same breath as Carnegie, Rockefeller and Vanderbilt. It is opening a high-octane trading unit and has tried to muscle in on the lucrative mergers-and-acquisitions business. Today, its money management division oversees $120 billion in assets, only a small portion of which is Guggenheim family money.

To help lead these ventures, Guggenheim Partners has hired Alan D. Schwartz, the smooth deal maker who tried to right Bear Stearns before it collapsed into the arms of JPMorgan Chase, foreshadowing the financial shocks to come. Others have signed on from the likes of Goldman Sachs and Merrill Lynch.

So no one was more surprised than the executives at Guggenheim Partners when two men purporting to be Guggenheims and fronted by a charming woman calling herself Lady Catarina offered to sell $1 billion in diamonds from a private Guggenheim collection that, in fact, didn’t exist.

And not only diamonds. Ms. Toumei — known to her associates as a countess — apparently tried to coax the Coca-Cola Company into a deal involving “Guggenheim” vodka. She invited Rupert Murdoch to dinner (he never got back to her) and tried to court the Bush family. There was talk of gold, of Swiss banks, of loans to the tiny African nation of Swaziland — on and on.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=47ee47106f677ccda8845b5a5a4897b0