April 25, 2024

Common Sense: Influence of Money Market Funds Ended Overhaul

But after four years of studies, hearings and round tables, the Securities and Exchange Commission late last month abandoned efforts to impose new regulations on money market funds intended to prevent another panic like the one that occurred in 2008 and eliminate the need for a taxpayer bailout of the multitrillion-dollar funds.

The S.E.C.’s proposed changes had the backing of the White House, Treasury officials, the Federal Reserve, the Bank of England, a council of academic experts, The Wall Street Journal’s conservative editorial page, the former Fed chairman Paul Volcker, the former Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson Jr. — just about every disinterested party who weighed in on the issue.

So it’s no wonder many S.E.C. staff members were shocked when three of the five S.E.C. commissioners — two Republicans and one Democrat — indicated they wouldn’t support the proposals. It was a rare case of a Democratic commissioner breaking ranks with the agency’s chairwoman, Mary L. Schapiro, an Obama appointee who is a political independent.

“I’m not the crusading type,” a frustrated Ms. Schapiro told me. “This isn’t based on conjecture. We know what can go wrong. We saw what happened with the Reserve Fund in 2008. There was a broad run on money market funds; credit markets froze. People didn’t have access to their money, which was extraordinary. We’re trying to prevent that. And if you’re opposed to government bailouts, you have to support these reforms.”

So what accounts for the collapse?

Though Republicans in Congress have generally sided with the mutual fund industry, and the reforms emerged from a Democratic administration, several people I spoke to said it was a mistake to view the outcome through the prism of partisan politics. “It’s not Republicans versus Democrats,” a person involved in formulating the proposals told me. “It’s the mutual fund industry and its allies versus the American taxpayer.”

For many in the mutual fund industry, 2008 seems both a distant memory and the equivalent of a 100-year flood, something unlikely to be repeated. But just four years ago, on Sept. 16, 2008, shortly after Lehman Brothers collapsed, the Reserve Fund, the nation’s oldest money market fund, “broke the buck” and set off a run on the global money fund industry.

Money market funds — convenient, higher-yielding and supposedly ultrasafe alternatives to deposits at banks — are a mainstay of the mutual fund industry, offered by all the major fund families. They typically invest in short-term, low-risk assets (like United States Treasuries and highly rated commercial paper), and with the blessing of regulators, each day they report a stable net asset value of $1 a share. That’s convenient for tax purposes (there are never any reportable gains or losses), and it promotes the idea that these funds are risk-free because the reported value never fluctuates.

In reality, this has always been an illusion, or what Ms. Schapiro calls a “fiction.” Even short-term assets may fluctuate as interest rates change, even if the moves are very small. And they can also fluctuate because of credit risks. That’s what happened to the Reserve Fund: it owned $785 million in Lehman Brothers’ commercial paper. When the value of Lehman Brothers debt collapsed, there was no way the Reserve Fund could claim that its shares were worth $1, even using generous rounding and averaging tactics to mask shifts in value. When the Reserve Fund admitted its shares weren’t worth $1, investors panicked and began a run on the fund. The Reserve Fund froze its assets and no one could get their money out, even though the actual net asset value was only a few cents less than $1.

The run quickly spread to other money market funds. Funds were frantically trying to unload commercial paper and other assets to raise cash. Major corporations that rely on commercial paper to cover day-to-day operations found themselves unable to issue new securities as the market teetered on collapse. Secretary Paulson fielded phone calls from chief executives alarmed that they might be unable to meet their payrolls. The run on the Reserve Fund and other money market funds took the financial crisis straight from Wall Street to Main Street.

I remember that week vividly because I relied on a money market fund for cash. When I needed some, I went to an A.T.M. and tapped in my access code. I didn’t even have a conventional bank account and prided myself on my modern approach — until I woke up the morning after the Reserve announcement to face the prospect that I might not have access to any of my money. In the many years I’d been relying on my money market account, such a calamity had never crossed my mind. Those old-fashioned government-insured bank accounts suddenly looked appealing.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: September 25, 2012

The Common Sense column on Sept. 8, about the collapse of efforts by the Securities and Exchange Commission to impose new regulations on money market funds, misstated the interest rate on Vanguard’s Prime money market fund. It is 0.04 percent, not 0.4 percent.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/08/business/sorting-out-the-collapse-of-new-rules-for-money-market-funds.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

News Analysis: Jobless Numbers Spur Competing Political Narratives

Within minutes of the government’s announcement that the jobless rate had declined to 8.6 percent in November from 9 percent a month earlier, Mitt Romney blasted out a statement noting that unemployment had remained above 8 percent throughout the 34 months of President Obama’s tenure in office, “the longest such spell since the Great Depression.”

Making no mention that the jobless rate is now down 1.5 percentage points from its peak two years ago, Mr. Romney added: “The Obama administration may have come to accept such a high level of joblessness as the new normal. I will never accept it.”

A few hours later, the president cited the growth in jobs without ever mentioning the level of unemployment. “Despite some strong headwinds this year, the American economy has now created, in the private sector, jobs for the past 21 months in a row,” Mr. Obama said, appearing in Washington alongside former President Bill Clinton, as good a visual symbol as any of prosperity under a Democratic administration.

The differing responses highlight a big question as the primary seasons draws near: Which is more politically powerful, a positive trend in job growth or the absolute level of unemployment?

The ability of the two parties to persuade voters to look at the situation their way — for Democrats, that the country is making progress and the economic medicine is working, for Republicans that no incremental improvements can eradicate the failure of Mr. Obama’s economic leadership — is now shaping up as central to the 2012 campaign.

Voters appear to judge the economy by a variety of measures other than unemployment, from job creation to income growth, as well as by a qualitative sense of well-being or lack of it. In any case, there is no assurance that joblessness will continue to drop, or that the financial crisis in Europe will not derail any hope the White House has of being able to sustain the argument that the worst is behind us.

The global uncertainties have some Democrats concerned about overplaying the progress theme, out of concern that the economy could be rocked by events outside the control of the president or anyone else in the United States. As a result, the White House is sure to hedge its bets somewhat, continuing to hammer away at themes like economic fairness and Republican obstructionism. “While the U.S. economy is healing, the world economy continues to be in a fragile state and all economies are linked through trade and finance,” said Alan Krueger, the chairman of the White House’s Council of Economic Advisers.

Should major economic trouble hit, Mr. Obama’s team wants to have built the case for the argument that Democrats, more than Republicans, would better protect the middle class. No president has been re-elected since the 1930s with an unemployment rate at today’s level.

But if the unemployment rate continues to move downward even modestly next year, Mr. Obama and his team will be able to take some comfort from history. Under this administration, the peak in unemployment was a little over two years ago, at 10.1 percent. It fell briefly below 9 percent early this year, but has not been as low as 8.6 percent since March 2009. When Mr. Obama took office in January 2009 the rate was 7.8 percent, and rising fast.

Democrats are looking to 1984, when President Ronald Reagan won re-election after the rate peaked at 10.8 in late 1982, fell to 8.5 percent a year from Election Day — about where it is now — and declined to 7.4 percent by the time voters went to the polls.

Mr. Obama’s own forecast holds little prospect of a continued drop of the scale seen in 1984; the White House has projected that joblessness would average 9 percent next year. And this most recent November drop creates the risk that any backsliding next year would be cast as evidence that things are getting worse again.

If the economy is perceived to be deteriorating in the first half of an election year, it may be very difficult for a sitting president to change voter sentiment. In 1992, the last election to revolve around the economy, the elder President George Bush was defeated in his re-election bid as the unemployment rate rose to a high of 7.8 percent in June before easing back to 7.3 percent by Election Day.

If nothing else, the positive news on employment on Friday came at a moment when Democrats were gaining confidence that they had found an economic message that was resonating with voters, leaving Republicans feeling a bit off balance after a year in which they have driven the agenda in Washington.

Republicans on Capitol Hill were showing signs of division over whether to go along with Mr. Obama’s demand for an extension of the payroll tax deduction. Mr. Obama, in turn, turned up the pressure on Republicans to go along before adjourning for Christmas.

But on the campaign trail, Mr. Obama’s potential Republican challengers were ceding no ground. Newt Gingrich called Friday’s employment report “yet another landmark in the Obama jobs crisis.” The key statistic, Mr. Gingrich said, was the more than 300,000 Americans who had dropped out of the labor force.

Article source: http://feeds.nytimes.com/click.phdo?i=84f4bc8656d03aecca0e928273310c89