April 20, 2024

Novelties: Using Gestures to Control Electronic Devices

Soon gestures may be controlling more than just games. Scientists at Microsoft Research and the University of Washington have come up with a new system that uses the human body as an antenna. The technology could one day be used to turn on lights, buy a ticket at a train station kiosk, or interact with a world of other computer applications. And no elaborate instruments would be required.

“You could walk up to a ticket-purchasing machine, stand in front and make a gesture to be able to buy your ticket — or set the kind of gas you want at the gas station,” said Desney Tan, a senior researcher at Microsoft Research and one of the creators of the technology. The system, demonstrated so far only in experiments, is “a fascinating step forward,” said Joseph A. Paradiso, an associate professor of media arts and sciences at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and co-director of the Things That Think Consortium.

There is no reason to fear that the new technology will affect people’s health, he said; it merely exploits electromagnetic fields that are already in the air. “Suddenly someone takes advantage of it and opens up an example that is potentially useful,” he said of the new gesture technology.

The innovation is potentially inexpensive, as it requires no handheld wireless wand, as the Nintendo Wii does, or the instrumentation of Microsoft’s Kinect, which uses infrared light and cameras to track motion.

Instead, the technology uses something that is always with us, unless we live in the wilderness: ambient electromagnetic radiation emitted as a matter of course by the wiring in households, by the power lines above homes, and by those gas pumps at the service station.

The human body produces a small signal as it interacts with this ambient electrical field. The new system employs algorithms to interpret and harness that interaction.

In initial tests, the technology determined people’s locations and gestures from the way their bodies interacted with the electrical field, said one of its inventors, Shwetak N. Patel, an assistant professor at the University of Washington.

Matt Reynolds, an assistant professor of electrical and computer engineering at Duke, who collaborates with Dr. Patel, says it has long been known that people function as antennas as they move near power lines — for example, those within the walls of a home. “What’s new,” he said, “is leveraging those signals as useful data that can be the basis for an interface for a computer system.”

Dr. Patel has had a longstanding interest in delving into signals in the home and finding new uses for them. He helped to found a company called Zensi, which created an energy monitoring device that can be plugged into any outlet in a home to figure out which appliances are drawing power. (The company was sold last year.)

 

He is also working on a system to monitor home water use. By detecting minute changes in pressure at a spigot, it infers how much water the toilet or dishwasher is consuming.

Practical applications of gesture technology will take time to develop, Dr. Tan of Microsoft cautioned. One of those applications may be in homes, where a wave of the hand might control lighting, security systems, air-conditioners or televisions. Of course, designers must take care that gestures don’t accidentally set off a device, he said. For example, it could be commanded to start only with an unusual gesture — perhaps drawing a circle in the air, or touching a certain number of fingers on the wall. Once users have done this, the system knows the gesture is intended as a command.

Such home-automation devices would have to be calibrated individually for each household, and recalibrated if people moved to another home, as the homes would have different wiring. But Robert Jacob, a professor of computer science at Tufts University, said that such calibration would be a relatively minor chore for machine learning.

“A computer can be quickly trained to do that,” he said.

E-mail: novelties@nytimes.com.

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Economix: Employment of Elderly: Supply or Demand?

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Casey B. Mulligan is an economics professor at the University of Chicago.

The supply of elderly workers increased during the recession, and employment rates of the elderly increased along with it. This result is difficult to reconcile with Keynesian characterizations of the labor market.

Today’s Economist

Perspectives from expert contributors.

Last week I showed how employment per capita had increased slightly among elderly people since 2007, while employment per capita in the general population plummeted. I, and other economists previously, have concluded that employment of the elderly deviated so much from the general population because of changes in elderly labor supply.

Recession-era supply episodes like these are important to identify, because they can prove or undercut Keynesians’ fundamental argument (so far unproved) that supply does not matter during a recession or during a “liquidity trap” such as we’ve experienced since the recession began.

(One Keynesian rhetorical trick is to “prove” the supply claim by pointing to the existence of unemployment. Of course, unemployment exists in large numbers, but that does not tell us whether, and how much, labor supply affects employment rates. Only the latter indicates the value, if any, of Keynesian policy prescriptions.)

In reaction to my post last week, Dean Baker, co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, offered some analysis of weekly earnings and concluded that the demand for elderly workers increased during the recession even while it plummeted for everybody else. Supply played little or no role, he said.

Generally, I agree that wage rates are an important variable for gauging the relative importance of supply and demand (see, for example, my analysis of labor supply during the summer season, which featured hourly wage rates as one of three key indicators). But in this case, Dr. Baker’s weekly earnings results ran into a few contradictions.

First, what was the demand shift experienced by elderly workers that was so large as to completely offset the demand shift purportedly experienced by the rest of the population? Perhaps elderly workers picked up some of the hundreds of thousands of jobs that teenagers and other unskilled workers lost thanks to the minimum wage increases? Dr. Baker did not say.

Second, a huge increase in demand for the elderly might be expected to reduce their unemployment rates, yet the chart below shows how unemployment rates for the elderly followed very much the same time pattern as unemployment rates for the general population. (According to the Census Bureau, every person is either employed, unemployed or not looking for work, which is why unemployment and employment can move in the same direction). Dr. Baker’s purported demand shift is not visible in the unemployment data.

Third, Dr. Baker’s own data suggested that something other than demand was driving most, if not all, of the earnings changes he measured. Elderly employment per capita increased only 4.5 percent. Demand increases by themselves usually increase wage rates about the same amount that they increase employment, which in this case would be well less than 10 percent (for example, during Christmas season, when demand increases employment rates more than it increases wages, not less).

But Dr. Baker measured a weekly earnings increase of at least 17 percent, which tells me that weekly earnings were increasing for reasons other than demand. (This may have been because elderly people were working more hours per week, took on jobs with greater responsibility or because the composition of the elderly work force changed in the direction of greater skill. See this paper for a technical analysis of these forces.)

Labor supply, rather than labor demand, readily explains why elderly unemployment rates tracked the general population’s during the recession, while elderly employment did not: the willingness (or necessity, if you want) of working had changed more for the elderly than for the rest of the population. The fact that labor supply really does matter during recessions means that Keynesian policy prescriptions will not deliver what they promise.

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