April 16, 2024

Political Economy: Bank Deals Failed to Raise Alarms

Should an investment bank worry about a client’s motives when it engages in a complex and potentially suspicious transaction?

Banca Monte dei Paschi di Siena of Italy has been just such a client. The Italian bank, which has just been rescued by the state, engaged in a series of complex deals with Deutsche Bank, JPMorgan Chase and Nomura that had the effect of giving a misleading picture of its finances.

One issue relates to how Monte dei Paschi di Siena, or M.P.S., paid for its acquisition of Antonveneta, another Italian bank, in 2008. JPMorgan helped finance part of the deal by selling €1 billion, or about $1.34 billion at current exchange rates, worth of so-called Fresh notes, a type of bond that could be converted into M.P.S. equity. But the Bank of Italy objected that they were not sufficiently loss-absorbing and insisted that M.P.S. not pay money to JPMorgan to forward onto the investors unless it made a profit.

The snag was that by the time the central bank objected the notes had already been sold and some of the investors were not happy with a change in the terms. M.P.S. then gave indemnities to JPMorgan and Bank of New York Mellon, which was an intermediary between JPMorgan and the Fresh investors.

It is not clear what these indemnities were. But the Siena prosecutors say that M.P.S. concealed the JPMorgan indemnity from the Bank of Italy and did not communicate the Bank of New York’s indemnity to the central bank either, according to a document reviewed by Reuters.

The question for JPMorgan and the Bank of New York is whether they knew that the Italian central bank had not been in the picture at the outset. If so, they should not have touched the deal. JPMorgan and the Bank of New York declined to comment.

Now look at the Deutsche Bank transaction. What happened here was that in 2002, M.P.S. had invested in yet another Italian bank, Sanpaolo Imi. The investment was stuck in a special-purpose vehicle called Santorini, which the German bank had helped establish. The value of this vehicle plummeted after Lehman Brothers went bust in 2008.

M.P.S. then engaged in two more transactions with Deutsche Bank, which mitigated its Santorini losses. Each deal involved M.P.S. pledging €2 billion worth of Italian bonds to Deutsche Bank in return for a same-sized loan. One of these transactions was with Santorini; the other with M.P.S. itself. But there was a curious quirk: The interest rate on the Santorini leg was less than the market rate, while that on the M.P.S. leg was more expensive.

M.P.S. rapidly unwound the first transaction, creating a gain that helped it counter the loss on the original Santorini deal. But it hung on to the second investment and did not report any immediate loss from it.

Last week, M.P.S.’s new management said that the value of the investment had been incorrectly listed on its balance sheet. It should have incurred a loss of €429 million.

Deutsche Bank’s defense for being involved in the transaction is that it asked for and received representations from M.P.S.’s senior management that its auditors and regulators had been informed of the transaction’s details. But the Bank of Italy said that when it examined the transaction in 2010, it was worried that the operation did not show fair value on M.P.S.’s balance sheet.

What is more, it would be revealing of the German bank’s culture at the time if it did not ask what possible motive M.P.S. could have had for doing these deals. Deutsche says its standards have evolved since 2008 and continue to do so in light of its own experience and the market’s. That, at least, suggests it is learning some lessons.

The same does not seem to be so for Nomura. In this case, M.P.S.’s original bet — nicknamed Alexandria — was on risky credit derivatives called “C.D.O. squareds,” a type of collateralized debt obligations, which, by 2009, were threatened with big losses. That is when M.P.S. embarked on two new deals. One involved the Japanese investment bank buying the C.D.O. squareds from M.P.S. at above their market price, with the result that the Italian bank avoided booking a loss.

The other involved M.P.S.’s pledging Italian government bonds with its Japanese counterpart in return for a loan. The oddity was that, although Nomura kept the fixed coupon on the bonds, it paid back to M.P.S. an unusually low floating interest rate. At the time, M.P.S. did not recognize any loss on this part of the transaction. But last week its new management said it should have booked a €309 million liability.

There was also a side-letter between Nomura and M.P.S. linking the two new deals. But this was not revealed to the Bank of Italy until October, after the new management found it. The central bank says that letter clarified the real purpose of the operation.

Nomura said the deal was approved by the Italian bank’s board and its auditors, KPMG — although M.P.S. said its board had not approved the deal, and KPMG said it had never received the Alexandria documentation.

It would be sad if Nomura did not investigate what possible purpose M.P.S. could have had for all this financial engineering. The Japanese bank said it had acted fairly and reasonably while a spokesman denied it had acted unethically.

This really will not do. An important lesson of the M.P.S. story is that, when banks are presented with a client who wants to do something that seems suspicious, they should check its motives deeply. And if they do not get a satisfactory answer, they should refuse to do business with it.

Hugo Dixon is editor at large of Reuters News.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/11/business/global/11iht-dixon11.html?partner=rss&emc=rss

An Italian Bank Caught in the Vortex of Election Politics

MILAN — The chief executive of a regional Italian bank embroiled in a scandal with political and even Europe-wide implications said Monday that recent revelations of past mismanagement and questionable deals would not impede efforts to turn around the beleaguered institution.

“This is still a solid bank,” Fabrizio Viola, chief executive of Monte dei Paschi di Siena, said Monday at a news conference in Milan.

In the past week revelations of transactions that may have disguised the extent of the bank’s losses during the global financial crisis have become political fodder ahead of Italy’s national elections next month.

And the disclosures have raised questions about the degree of scrutiny given Monte dei Paschi di Siena by Mario Draghi, who was still head of Italy’s central bank when the problems developed. Mr. Draghi, of course, is now president of the European Central Bank.

At issue is whether Monte dei Paschi di Siena, or M.P.S. as it is known, hid losses it incurred after acquiring the Italian bank Antonveneta in 2008, for €9 billion — a price that even at the time was widely derided as far too high. Now under scrutiny are two complex transactions M.P.S. conducted with Deutsche Bank and Nomura that critics say enabled M.P.S. to mask some of its losses.

Mr. Viola, part of the new management that came to the bank last year, said Monday that an investigation now under way would produce findings by mid-February, ahead of national elections scheduled for Feb. 24 and 25.

With M.P.S. based in Siena, in a part of northern Italy that is a stronghold of the leftist Democratic Party, the conservative former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi, who is trying to be a spoiler in next month’s elections, has been trying to lay blame for the scandal at the Democratic Party’s doorstep. Meanwhile, the current prime minister, Mario Monti, has had to defend his government’s decision to bail out the banks with loans granted last year.

More broadly, though, the problems at M.P.S. provide an extreme example of an old-line banking pattern that analysts say is still disturbingly commonplace in Europe. As with most Italian banks, M.P.S.’s primary shareholder is a local foundation, which receives dividends that are to be used to pay for social projects as well as cultural and charitable enterprises. That gives M.P.S. an extensive veil of political relationships that can be hard for any national overseer to peer through.

The same combination of local political influence and lax control has also afflicted many banks in Germany and Spain, with taxpayers left suffering the consequences. Indeed, grave lapses by national regulators are among the main reasons European leaders have decided to put the European Central Bank in charge of bank regulation.

But now there is a possible snag in the plan: Mr. Draghi, who is expected to lead that overhaul, was at least nominally the overseer of M.P.S. while it was digging itself into a deep hole.

Many analysts, though, question whether Mr. Draghi — or any Italian regulators — would have had enough information to recognize the bank’s problems, since there appears to have been a deliberate attempt to conceal losses. And in any case, the Bank of Italy may not have had legal power to prevent M.P.S. from making bad decisions.

But at the very least Mr. Draghi’s proximity to the scandal is untimely as the E.C.B. and euro zone leaders finally seemed to be rebuilding credibility in the common currency. The decision to create a centralized banking supervisor at the E.C.B. is a big part of the effort to restore confidence in the euro zone.

“Italy is a country where even national regulators can have a trouble getting a grip on what is happening at the local level,” said Nicolas Véron, a senior fellow at Bruegel, a research organization in Brussels. Mr. Véron stressed that there was no evidence Mr. Draghi deserved any blame for the Monti dei Paschi scandal.

But Mr. Véron said, “It clearly does create perception problems, because there’s a question mark about the appropriateness of the Bank of Italy’s response at the time.”

“At this point it’s only a question mark,” Mr. Véron said. “We don’t have any facts.”

A spokesman for the E.C.B. declined to comment Monday.

Article source: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/29/business/global/an-italian-bank-caught-in-the-vortex-of-election-politics.html?partner=rss&emc=rss